Take Your Choice
Separation or Mongrelization

By Theodore G. Bilbo

Chapter IX

In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress. -Booker T. Washington

ON SEPTEMBER I8, 1895, a Negro from the black belt of the South stood before a great throng of people convened at the Atlanta Exposition and delivered a speech which echoed across the Nation. This was the first time that a Negro had made a speech in the South on such an important occasion before an audience of white men and women. The colored orator carefully and deliberately spoke words which marked a new epoch in the history of the South:
A ship lost at sea for many days suddenly sighted a friendly vessel. From the mast of the unfortunate vessel was seen a signal. 'Water, water; we die of thirst!' The answer from the friendly vessel at once came back:, 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' A second time the signal, 'Water, water; send us water!' ran up from the distressed vessel and was answered, 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' And a third and fourth signal for water was answered, 'Cast down your bucket where you are.' The Captain of the distressed vessel, at last heeding the injunction, cast down his bucket, and it came up full of fresh, sparkling water from the mouth of the Amazon River. To those of my race who depend on bettering their condition in a foreign land or who underestimate the importance of cultivating friendly relations with the Southern white man, who is their next-door neighbour, I would say: 'Cast down your bucket where you are' - cast it down in making friends in every manly way of the people of all races by whom we are surrounded.

Cast it down in agriculture, mechanics, in commerce, domestic service, and in the professions. And in this connection it is well to bear in mind that whatever other sins the South may be called to bear, when it comes to business, pure and simple, it is in the South that the Negro is given a man's chance in the commercial world, and in nothing in this Exposition more eloquent than in emphasizing this chance. Our greatest danger is that in the great leap from slavery to freedom we may overlook the fact that the masses of us are to live by the productions of our hands, and fail to keep in mind that we shall prosper in proportion as we learn to dignify and glorify common labour and put brains and skill into the common occupations of life; shall prosper in proportion as we learn to draw the line between the superficial and the substantial, the ornamental gewgaws of life and the useful. No race can prosper till it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem. It is at the bottom of life we must begin, and not at the top. Nor should we permit our grievances to overshadow our opportunities.... (1)

Booker T. Washington, President of the Tuskegee (Alabama) Normal and Industrial Institute for Negroes, was speaking in Atlanta, Georgia. Before ten minutes had passed, his audience was cheering in an uproar of enthusiasm. When he held his hand high above his head with fingers stretched wide apart, saying to the white people of the South on behalf of his race, "In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress," a great wave of sound burst forth and the whole audience was on its feet in a delirium of applause.

This speech was winning the support of the Southern white people and also the Southern Negroes. "The wisest among my race," Professor Washington continued, "understand that the agitation of questions of social equality is the extremest folly." And he concluded "I pledge that in your effort to work out the great and intricate problem which God has laid at the doors of the South, you shall have at all times the patient, sympathetic help of my race, only let this be constantly in mind, that, while from representations in these buildings of the product of field, of forest, of mine, of factory, letters and art, much good will come, yet far above and beyond material benefits will be that higher good, that, let us pray God, will come, in a blotting out of sectional differences and racial animosities and suspicions, in a determination to administer absolute justice, in a willing obedience among all classes to the mandates of law. Thus, this, coupled with our material prosperity, will bring into our beloved South a new heaven and a new earth."

The great mass of Negroes hailed Booker T. Washington as a Moses, and the white South endorsed his program and gave him its support. Support also came from the white North, and thus this colored leader seemed to have accomplished the impossible in winning the confidence of the South, of the North, and the great majority of his own race. He became the recognized leader of the Negro race and devoted his life to the uplifting of his people.

Practically all of the criticism which Professor Washington encountered came from men of his own race. Over the years the opposition grew louder and louder from Negroes in the North who opposed Washington's program which they said fell much too short of their goal of complete equality of the races. They criticized him for not demanding social equality, and they denounced his doctrine of industrial training for Negro youth.

Booker T. Washington possessed ability, a noble character, and a reverent faith in God. He was endowed with qualities of real leadership; he taught no doctrine of hate toward the white man; he was not bitter. Though he was criticized by members of his own race because he did not ask for social equality, (3) he lived to see Tuskegee, the school which he founded, endorsed and supported by both the North and the South. He saw his vision become a reality as this school, boasting sixty-six buildings and valued at almost two million dollars, sent forth thousands of graduates who had been trained to become honest and respectable citizens of their communities and of their Nation. In the closing chapter of his autobiography, Professor Washington said: "We can safely say that at least six thousand men and women from Tuskegee are now at work in different parts of the South; men and women who, by their own example or by direct effort, are showing the masses of our race how to improve their material, educational, and moral and religious life." (4)

The leadership of the Negro race passed from Booker T. Washington to a group of Northern Negroes whom we shall next discuss. However, let it be noted here that the only hope of the Negro race, if it is to remain in the United States, lies in the revival of the ideas and doctrines of Booker T. Washington. The story of the life of the man who founded Tuskegee should be an inspiration to every member of his race. Until the Negro masses realize the wisdom of his teachings and repudiate the present day leaders who are seeking the destruction of racial barriers and the mongrelization of the races, there can be nothing but conflict and strife and trouble in the matter of race relations in the United States.

Criticism of Booker T. Washington was one of the things which brought W. E. B. DuBois, a New England Negro, educated at Fisk University, Harvard, and the University of Berlin into the limelight. In his book, The Souls of Black Folk, published in 1903, DuBois, advocating complete political, economic, and social equality of the races, stated the points on which he and the Professor from Tuskegee differed and referred to Washington's Atlanta speech as the "Atlanta Compromise." With this publication, DuBois became the head of the radical and militant Negroes who were asking for complete and full equality of the white and black races.

According to DuBois "opposition among Negroes to what now came to be called the Washington program grew," and in 1906, he called the Niagara Movement to meet at Niagara Falls. "The manifesto which we sent out fixed my status as a radical, opposed to segregation and caste," says DuBois. (6) The Niagara Movement was an all-Negro organization which asked full equality for the colored race and openly opposed segregation. This organization was later merged with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which was formally organized in 1909.

As DuBois assumed the national leadership, the conservative elements within the Negro race gradually came over to his way of thinking. Not many years had passed before Booker T. Washington's doctrines were replaced by demands for complete equality of the Negroes in the United States with the white people. In 1929, the then President of Tuskegee, Dr. R. R. Moton, wrote a book entitled What the Negro Thinks, in which he stated, in essence, the demands of DuBois for full equality. The present President of Tuskegee, Frederick D. Patterson, in his essay in What the Negro Wants says: "Any form of segregation based on race, creed or color is discriminatory and imposes a penalty inconsistent with the guaranties of American democracy. The more conservative element of Negroes differ from those who hold the most radical views in opposition to segregation only in terms of time and technique of its elimination. In any statement which attempts to speak unequivocally in terms of ultimates, all Negroes must condemn any form of segregation based on race, creed or color anywhere in our nation." (7)

Most of the Negro leaders will admit that they seized the opportunity which the global conflict presented to press their united campaign for full equality of the races. At a time when the United States was at war and her citizens engaged in an all-out effort to win battles on a dozen fronts throughout the world, the colored leaders and organizations used all their combined efforts to attack segregation and to destroy as many of the racial barriers which exist in this country as possible. They have openly and frankly stated their demands until there is today no question at all as to what the American Negro leader is seeking for his people. As we noted in Chapter V from the essays in What the Negro Wants, the aim is complete POLITICAL, economic, and SOCIAL EQUALITY. This point must be made again and again until all America understands the situation and awakes to seek the proper solution to the problem.

These demands are clearly evidenced and openly stated in the two hundred or more books which have been written in the past four years by Negroes and Quislings of the white race. During this same period of time, day after day, week after week, practically every Negro newspaper has printed sensational and inflammatory news items and editorials which have preached that any form or character of segregation is discrimination. They have sought to inflame the Negro mind against the white race, North, South, East and West, and have attempted to incite and embitter the minds and hearts of every Negro man and woman in the United States against the whites.

These same groups have tried by methods of intimidation to bulldoze and influence public officials to pass ordinances, enact laws, and form policies which would carry out their dream of total social equality. In their mad chasing of the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow, these full equality advocates have intimidated officials with the voting power of the Negroes, and many of them have tried to threaten the white race with force and bloodshed.

It is well to again note here that during this same war period, when the Nation itself was struggling and fighting for its very existence, only five or six books have been written in the interest and in the defense of white America. Furthermore, most of these books have been apologetic in the extreme.

Many white newspapers, white columnists, and white radio broadcasters have been whipped into line in pursuit of the "will o' the wisp." Some newspapers now go so far with their doctrine that segregation is discrimination that in reporting crimes committed by a Negro they are afraid to say that- the perpetrator of the crime was colored. These same papers in announcing a list of deaths refuse to designate whether the deceased was a white person or a Negro who passed on to his "happy hunting ground." Even in announcing births, some of the papers refuse to state whether the baby is a white child or a pickaninny.

The Negro equality advocates have invaded the parts of government until today the Civil Service Commission no longer requires the applicant for a position to furnish a photograph of himself. This is to prevent the application from showing through the picture that the applicant is a white person or a Negro. The full equality seekers have even insisted that the various reports recorded when Uncle Sam takes a census should fail to reveal whether the citizen listed is white or colored. The Negro groups have gone so far in their nodiscrimination campaign that even some of the schools, colleges and universities of the Nation which do not draw the color line do not today require the students in matriculating to state the race, color, or nationality to which the registrant belongs. And to refuse to address a Negro as "Miss" or "Mister" is an unpardonable sin and social error! Ye gods, how much further is white America going with this kind of damphoolishness!

Today. as this book is being written, Walter White is in Washington or has just recently been here protesting the building of all-Negro hospitals for veterans. The present day Negro intelligentsia who have repudiated the teachings of Booker T. Washington and have adopted the social equality philosophy of DuBois bitterly protest the establishment by the United States Government of air training centers, Army camps, Navy bases, or hospitals unless Negroes are integrated among the whites. They even insist that no ship shall sail unless it has a quota of Negro crewmen. These colored leaders who demand that Negroes be mixed and mingled with the whites are either ashamed of the members of their own race or they are afraid to trust them to discharge the duties of executive positions.

Under the leadership of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt and by direction of the Fair Employment Practice Committee, segregation has been eliminated in practically all of the departments of Government in the city of Washington. By orders issued at the top, all partitions have been torn out in order to compel the whites and blacks to eat together in the same rooms and at the same tables. Negro wash basins and toilets have been wrecked or removed in order to compel whites and Negroes to use the same wash basins, the same towels and the same toilet facilities. Hundreds of complaints have come to my office from white girls who are now forced to stand and wait patiently until the odoriferous females of the Negro race have finished their toilets in closets formerly used and occupied by white girls only.

It mattered not to those in high authority that these orders from the Fair Employment Practice Committee compelled the clean white girls from American homes who were eager, due to war emergencies, to work in the Government agencies to use all the toilet facilities in common with the Negro employees. It mattered not to some officials and semi-officials that the public health authorities had certified and attested to the fact that an astoundingly high percentage of these colored men and women are infected with all forms of venereal diseases. These facts were immaterial to those in power because they chose to dance to the tune of the theory that segregation is discrimination. Should they fail to do this, their positions would be in jeopardy since the Negro voters would penalize them by political defeat on election day in the many districts, counties, and states where the Negro holds the balance of power between white Americans Democratic and white Americans Republican.

It is remarkable and hardly understandable that today in all the Government agencies in the District of Columbia over nineteen percent of all the employees are Negroes. When the percentage of Negroes in the United States is compared with our total population, we can readily see that the members of this race are entitled to only nine percent as their pro rata share of Government jobs. Thousands of white girls have been compelled to resign their jobs and go back to their homes throughout the United States, because they have refused to work as clerks and stenographers under Negro executives holding high salaried jobs. Political success at the polls is devoutly wished for, but ye gods, what a price is being paid!

Stuart 0. Landry has emphatically pointed out that social equality is the goal toward which the present day leaders of the Negro race are working. He says:

The Negro press makes no bones about it. Says Dan Gardner (colored) in Plain Talk:

Rankin, Bilbo, and Cotton Ed Smith are dead right in their fears that the Negro wants, in fact, demands social equality. The redneck block in Congress correctly sees the situation and its warning yelps reflect the wild, confused alarm in which the reactionaries are stewing over the approach of the day when All Americans will enjoy the full advantages democracy holds forth ....

By social equality, the Negro does not mean what some people think he does: He doesn't want equal, but separate con- ditions. He doesn't want another parlor car hitched onto the train into which he is segregated. He doesn't want a side of the theatre roped off for his exclusive use. He doesn't want to be considered apart from other people. He wants the same consideration that all americans should get in stores. on trains, busses, hotels, restaurants, schools, and in residential districts. He wants the same right to worship in so-called white churches as do white parishioners. That is the social equality the negro wants and will get.

Dan Gardner did not emphasize the point here, but he and the others of his ilk want white people to receive them in their homes and to extend to them all social courtesies. This kind of social equality will lead as the Negroes well know, to the breaking down of race barriers, to intermarriage and to the final amalgamation of the races. (8)
The campaign which the Negro leaders launched in time of war has reached alarming proportions. Social equality is their ultimate goal. To further their scheme of the mongrelization of the races, they have raised the race question on every possible occasion in recent months. Already, too much time has been wasted; we must point out the individuals and organizations that are conducting this campaign for racial equality and absolutely refuse their demands.

Since its organization in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People has been the leading organization in the campaign for the COMPLETE AND FULL EQUALITY of the races in the United States. Roy Wilkins, who is now Assistant Secretary of this Association says: "From the very beginning the NAACP was for complete equality." (9) Political and social equality was the stated goal of this organization thirty-five years ago, according to Wilkins. However, it has been only in recent years that the campaign has reached such a degree as to receive nation-wide attention.

The Executive Secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Walter White, a Georgia Negro, leads the activities of his organization in the fight to secure COMPLETE racial equality. He and the other present-day leaders have followed the course set out by the now elderly DuBois and they adhere, in essence, to his ideals. The Negro author, Roi Ottley, says: "To put their objective briefly, they seek for Negroes UNCONDITIONAL equality with whites!" (10)

Walter White has been associated with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People since 1918 and has been Executive Secretary since 1931. In recent years, the organization has been something of a one-man show with White never missing an opportunity to make the headlines, to espouse the cause of equality, and to continue his attacks on racial segregation. Seeking all-out equality for the Negro race, "he is willing to lose a whole battle rather than accept a partial victory." (11) In general, the Negro press has supported White and the National Association for the Advancement of Cololed People, but when he objected to the Tuskegee Institute's flying school because it was an all-Negro school (he wanted the Negroes mixed with the whites), the Nashville Globe and Independent, a Negro paper said:

Rank and file members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People should start a rebellion in their local branches against the regime of Walter White, the executive secretary. They might get this choleric little man to change his ways or force him to resign . . The vendetta he is now carrying on against Tuskegee Flying School is undoubtedly injurious to the morale of the young men being trained there. His opposition to Tuskegee getting funds from the state of Alabama could be suppressed until it is shown that state aid for the great school proved injurious to it. . But Walter White specializes in agitation, and still worse in fury too vindictive to accomplish any worthwhile results for the race he is trying to serve. (12)
From a Southern white paper comes the following analysis of Walter White's activities:
Walter White has issued one tirade after another against the South. He has preached the political, economic and social overthrow of the South. He has held that the Southern racial pattern must be destroyed. He has inveighed against segregation, North and South. Walter White has preached for the absolute equality of the races. In so doing, he has contributed no small amount toward strife in America. He has a large equity in the Detroit riots. As much as any man in America, he has brought about discord. With every additional dollar which he raises to fight 'the negro's enemies,' he is raising money for the shedding of more negro blood. He has the power to promote harmony He has fed upon discord in the past and he continues to feed upon it. This is tragic, but it is true. (13)
Another of the organizations championing the Negro's cause is the March on Washington Movement. This is an all-Negro group, headed by A. Philip Randolph, (14) President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (AFL). In 1942, Randolph rallied some twenty thousand Negroes at Madison Square Garden to protest against what was termed discrimination in industry and in the armed services. Walter White and other of the Negro leaders spoke of their campaign for full equality to the loud approval of the throngs in the Garden. Harlem's Amsterdam-Star News carried the headline: "20,000 Storm Madison Square Garden to Help Bury Race's 'Uncle Toms'." (15)

Randolph did not speak at this mass meeting, but in a statement to the press, he said: "American democracy is a failure. It is a miserable failure. It has failed because it is a limited and racial and divisible democracy." He warned that "America will have to answer to the colored peoples everywhere before the bar of world opinion" and asked, "How can we fight for democracy in Burma, a country we have not seen, when we don't have democracy in Birmingham, a city we have seen?" This is typical of the type of propaganda which Randolph feeds to the Negro masses.

The program of the March on Washington Movement follows:

  1. We demand in the interest of national unity, the abrogation of every law which makes a distinction in treatment between citizens based on religion, creed, color or national origin. This means an end to Jim Crow in education, in housing, in transportation and in every other social economic, and political privilege; and especially we demand, in the capital of the nation, an end to all segregation in public places and in public institutions.

  2. We demand legislation to enforce the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments guaranteeing no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, so that the full weight of the national government may be used for the protection of life and thereby may end the disgrace of lynching.

  3. We demand the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and the enactment of the Pepper Poll Tax bill so that all barriers in the exercise of the suffrage are eliminated.

  4. We demand the abolition of segregation and discrimination in the army, navy, marine corps, air corps, and all other branches of national defense.

  5. We demand an end to discrimination in jobs and job training. Further, we demand that the FEPC be made a permanent administrative agency of the U. S. Government and that it be given power to enforce its decisions based on its findings.

  6. We demand that federal funds be withheld from any agency which practices discrimination in the use of such funds.

  7. We demand colored and minority group representation on all administrative agencies so that these groups may have recognition of their democratic right to participate in formulating policies.

  8. We demand representation for the colored and minority racial groups on all missions, political and technical, which will be sent to the peace conference so that the interests of all people everywhere may be fully recognized and justly provided for in the post-war settlement. (17)
The colored writer, Roi Ottley frankly proclaims: "A program of this character obviously means social equality." And according to Ottley: "The masses of Negroes are supporting it with their money, time, and energy. The Negro press has flatly demanded social equality. Said the Baltimore Afro-American, 'We believe in social equality if it is anything other citizens have !' It remains to be seen whether this development in the Negro's thinking will continue as aggressively racial, or eventually become absorbed in some sort of proletarian revolt. If Randolph has his way, 'Negroes will continue to hammer on this evil of Jim Crow until the monster is buried for all time.' " (18)

The March on Washington Movement was primarily responsible for the issuance of Executive Order No. 8802 by President Roosevelt. Protesting against what was termed nationwide discrimination in war industries, an estimated two hundred thousand Negroes threatened to march on Washington on July 1, I941. The plans were made under the leadership of Philip Randolph, and when President Roosevelt asked that the march be called off, he was refused. Randolph and several other Negro leaders were summoned to Washington, but not until the President agreed to issue Executive Order No. 8802 forbidding discrimination in war industries and in government and creating the Fair Employment Practice Committee did they agree to call off the threatened march on the Nation's Capital. The Order proclaimed:

" . that it is the policy of the United States to encourage full participation in the national defense program by all citizens in the United States, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin... that all departments and agencies of the Government concerned with vocational and training programs for defense production shall take special measures appropriate to assure that such programs are administered without discrimination....and that all contracting agencies of the Government shall include in all defense contracts hereafter negotiated by them a provision obligating the contractor not to discriminate ... "
"It was purely a knock-down-drag-out affair," Randolph is reported as saying. "I don't want anyone to think I called off that march on Washington permanently. That's still our ace in the hole. We could rally thousands of Negroes to stage it next week."19 In another statement Randolph said: "The march was postponed by the timely issuance (June 25, I941) of the famous Executive Order No. 8802 by President Roosevelt. But this order and the President's Committee on Fair Employment Practice, established thereunder, have as yet only scratched the surface by way of eliminating discriminations on account of race or color in war industry. Both management and labor unions in too many places and in too many ways are still drawing the color line."

Randolph continues his efforts to abolish the color line. He was jailed during the first World War because of his stand against this country's participation in that conflict, but during this war he has avoided any direct utterances which would get him into trouble with the Federal authorities. However, much of the material published by the March on Washington Movement could not be termed patriotic. One of the pamphlets issued by this group, headed by Randolph, carries the threat that American Negroes may be lured by the propaganda that the Japs used on the Burmese. Japanese propaganda "has attracted little support among Negroes-yet" according to this booklet which sought disunity in time of war. And the statement that "After this war we will be lucky if the army's racial policies inflict nothing worse on us than race riots" can certainly put nothing except fear of the future in the minds of the readers. Such publications as these sow "the seeds of insurrection by inflaming the black race against the white."

Certainly the pamphlet just issued cannot be considered by anyone, no matter how friendly to the negro race, as any evidence of ordinary common sense.

It is difficult to understand the mental processes of a man who decries against racial discrimination and then does his utmost to stir it up.

It looks like he wanted to create racial preiudice in order to prove he was right when he charged it existed. Maybe it does exist to various degrees in various sections of the country.

But the kind of propaganda the self-appointed negro saviors are now circulating can do nothing but intensify it when it exists and arouse it when it does not exist.

Consider this, for instance. The pamphlet supports the action of a negro draftee who refused to serve in any black military unit, probably considering himself superior to his race.

Whatever his motives, this man defied the government of the United States in war and refused the call to service.

That's good stuff, according to Randolph.

He says the defiant negro is asserting his rights in refusing to submit to prejudicial treatment.

But is any white man permitted to say where he will serve and where he will not serve? Is he permitted to defy the government if he does not receive special consideration?

He is not.

Yet Randolph claims this s privilege for negroes. He demands special privileges which are denied to white men. That isn't racial equality or any other kind of equality.

That's what Randolph asks the labor press of America to support. Labor is not sympathetic to such appeals. Almost two million members of labor are in the armed services.

They went where they were assigned and did what they were told to do. They did not ask or receive any preferential consideration. They did not refuse to serve with their own people.

The pamphlet cynically quotes another Negro who refused to fight because, he said, 'this is a white man's war and it's no damn good.'

It is our opinion that the purpose of quoting this negro is to give others the same idea and suggest they can defy the government without penalty because 'you can't send 13 million people to jail.'

When Randolph says this is a 'white man's war' he must be color blind. Our allies are the yellow-skinned Chinese, the brown-skinned Filipino and the black-skinned people of every locality that has come in contact with the japs. (22)

The above quotation is part of an article which appeared in The International Teamster. This magazine is the official publication of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers of America, headed by Dan Tobin, and the article therein condemns A. Philip Randolph's efforts at disunity in no uncertain terms. Such leaders as Randolph do nothing except agitate the race question and will certainly bring more and more trouble to the Negro race in the United States.

Walter White and A. Philip Randolph with their respective organizations work in close harmony with the Negroes in Washington who compose what is known as "The Black Cabinet. This is another group which is constantly active in the campaign for complete racial equality.

"The Black Cabinet" is composed of Negroes who hold key positions in Washington; they serve as racial advisers to the heads of various government departments and bureaus. "The men and women who form this influential body are determined, one of them told me, 'to secure for Negroes all the rights, privileges, and benefits now enjoyed by whites,'" says Roi Ottley. (25)

It has been due chiefly to the efforts of this group of Negro leaders in Washington that the number of Negro employees of the Federal government has increased to such large proportions. As a result of the application of Executive Order No. 8802 and upon the insistence and direction of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, segregation has been abolished-over the protest of many white Democrats-in the offices of the Federal government in Washington, and the Negroes and whites are working in the same rooms, the same offices, eating together at the same cafeterias, using the same rest-rooms and recreational facilities. Destroying racial barriers is the aim of these Negroes; they want to see white girls working for Negro men and Negro girls working for white men. and to some small extent, they have been successful in bringing about this deplorable condition in the Nation's Capital. Because of this forced mixing of whites and blacks in the Federal departments, many white girls resigned their jobs and left Washington.

"The Black Cabinet," sometimes called "The Black Brain Trust," may be said to have opened a second front on the home front in time of war, for they devoted their time and energy to gain full equality for their race in this Nation as a part of the war effort. At every opportunity they have been ready to plead their cause, and no one can deny that they have done all in their power to tear down the racial barriers in this country. There is no question at all as to the fact that they used the all-out war effort of this Nation in every way that it would help promote their cause. When accused of taking advantage of the war, "they boldly admit it, insisting that if this is a war for liberty, they want theirs." (24) They made no secret of the demand that before the close of the war, they "want to see the stuffing knocked out of white supremacy." (25) Roy Wilkins, Assistant Secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, has been quoted by the press as saying at a meeting of his organization in Detroit in June, 1943: "We refuse to listen to the weak-kneed of both races who tell us not to raise controversies during the war. We believe, on the contrary, that we are doing a patriotic duty in raising them."

The Negro leaders in Washington use their position and every other possible means to accomplish their purpose. Whenever there is a chance to further their plan for complete equality of the races, they leave "no stone unturned" to achieve their objective. "The Black Cabinet, to accomplish its ends, often employs much of the positive features of the lobby -- it arouses public interest through the press and the pulpit, approaches influential white persons, puts the heat under congressmen with large Negro constituencies, and frequently goes directly to the White House." (26)

Today's Black Brain Trusters don't beg. These new Negro leaders have shed every tradition handed down from slavery days. They operate efficiently through official government agencies, through their press with a million and a half readers, through shrewd lobbying in Congress, even through direct pressure on the White House. Specifically the Black Brain Trust is divided into the government and non-government branches. The government branch in Washington consists of race-relations advisers in numerous departments who look out for Negro interests. But they would be fairly impotent if it weren't for the outsiders -- union leaders, preachers, politicians, editors, and heads of national organizations who can turn on the political heat when ordered. The Washington boys provide the fancy footwork; the others provide the heavy punches. As a team, they work as smoothly as Joe Louis and his managers. (27)
Until his resignation in 1943, Judge William H. Hastie (colored), who was civilian aide to Secretary of War Stim- son, was considered the top man in "The Black Cabinet." Hastie, who subscribes to the theory that segregation is discrimination, has led the attempts to have segregation abolished throughout the armed forces. In a speech made at the meeting of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Detroit in June, 1943, as reported by the press, Hastie proclaimed that "segregation results inevitably in discrimination and inferior treatment," and that the Army is suffering a terrific wastage of man-hours "by denying trained Negro officers the right to command Army groups composed in part, or entirely, of white men."

When the Tuskegee Flying School was established for colored flyers in Alabama, Hastie protested because it followed the traditional Army policy of segregation and was opened for Negroes only. It has been said that this was the incident which brought about his resignation from his post in the War Department. "Early in 1943, Hastie became fed up and resigned his job, charging the War Department with an anti-Negro bias that made his work there a travesty" is another explanation which has been given. (28)

After Hastie s resignation, Robert C Weaver (colored), racial adviser to Paul V. McNutt, Chairman of the War Manpower Commission, moved to top place in "The Black Cabinet." Weaver, who holds a Ph. D. in economics from Harvard University, formerly held a post in the Department of Interior. In 1934, he and Hastie "struck a preliminary blow for Negroes in Washington" by eating in the Department of Interior's Cafeteria from which tradition had always excluded Negroes. (29)

Other Negroes who have been listed as members of "The Black Cabinet" are: Ted Poston, racial adviser to Elmer Davis, who was head of the Office of War Information; Frank S. Horne, chief of the racial relations office of the Federal Public Housing Administration; William J. Trent, Jr., race-relations adviser to the Federal Works Agency; Mary McLeod Bethune, who was director of the Office of Negro Affairs in the National Youth Administration and is now head of the National Council of Negro Women; and Crystal Bird Bauset, racial relations adviser to Dean Landis, head of the Office of Civilian Defense.

In addition to such organizations as the National Associa- tion for the Advancement of Colored People and the March on Washington Movement, and the individual Negro leaders who are promoting the campaign for complete equality of the white and black races in the United States, there are a number of white people, properly designated as Quislings of the white race, who are aiding in this campaign. There is first of all Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, who, through misuse of her prestige as First Lady of the Land, probably did more than any other one white individual to aid the fight for Negro social equality in this country. Continuing her activities today as a private citizen, she is now a member of the Board of Trustees and Directors of Walter White's National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which organization has for its first objective social equality and intermarriage between the white and black races.

Mrs. Roosevelt's activities have been so widely publicized that everyone is familiar with her speeches and ideas on the race question. Photographs of the former First Lady as well as statements made by her have caused no small amount of antagonism and resentment in the South where her methods of handling the color question have been widely criticized and condemned. Mrs. Roosevelt has gone so far in aiding the campaign for complete social equality that she has, in effect, endorsed intermarriage. She thinks marriage between whites and Negroes is an individual matter since it is a "very personal problem." The unanimous condemnation of the Southland came down upon her as she told the Negro students at Howard University that "I would never say yes or no to intermarriage." (30)

Our ex-First Lady of the Land, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, cannot deny that she believes in social equality and the intermarriage of Negroes with white people and continue to be a trustee and sponsor of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. She resigned from that great patriotic White American association known as the Daughters of the American Revolution because the DAR members refused to let Constitution Hall be converted into a Negro Concert Hall by Marion Anderson. Likewise, Mrs. Roosevelt must resign from the NAACP or stand branded by the white people of America as advocating and believing in social equality and intermarriage between the white and Negro races -- the primary objective of this organization.

The above statement about Mrs. Roosevelt applies with equal force to every white man and white woman who hold membership in the NAACP or who encourage or sponsor this group by spoken word, by written word or by financial contribution. Unless you believe in and are willing to encourage or tolerate your sons and daughters, relatives, neighbors and friends associating with and marrying into the Negro race, then you must turn your thumbs down on the NAACP and all its activities, branding it as Public Enemy No. 1 of the white race in America. There is no middle ground: you must take your choice -- white or black. If the above and foregoing statements about the NAACP and its white sponsors are bigotry and intolerance -- then make the most of it!

Another white woman who has done her share in the campaign for complete social equality is Pearl Buck, who recently received an honorary degree from Howard University (colored). Her article, "Race Barriers Must Be Destroyed" in the New York Times in May, 1942 is typical of her type of racial propaganda. The late Wendell Wilkie, author of One World, was another of the nation-wide figures who advocated full racial equality. This position of Mr. Wilkie is especially interesting in view of the fact that he was born and reared in Elmwood, Indiana, the town from which his father helped drive away every Negro, and which had signs reading "No Negroes Admitted Here" on every road leading into the city limits.

As a potential candidate for President of the United States making a bid for the Negro vote, Mr. Wilkie made a speech in New York in July, 1943, in which he demanded full rights for Negroes and said the cause of race riots could be found in an "attitude of mind" akin to fascism. (31) In promoting the doctrine of the equality of all races neither Miss Buck nor Mr. Wilkie seemed to realize that the fulfillment of their program would destroy the race which created this Nation to which they both have pledged their allegiance.

The Negro paper, the Chicago Defender, published an "honor roll for 1943," in which white and colored men and women were named. The white people who "have battled against barriers of prejudice" in behalf of the Negro were listed as follows: Malcolm Ross, Chairman of the Fair Employment Practice Committee; Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, First Lady of the Land; Wendell Wilkie, political leader; Thomas Sancton, managing Editor of the New Republic; R .J. Thomas, President of United Automobile Workers; Vito Marcantonio, American Labor and Communist Party member of Congress; Edwin Embree, President of the Rosenwald Foundation; Henry A. Wallace, Vice President of the United States; John P. Lewis, managing Editor of PM (militantly communistic); Samuel Heller, Chicago Municipal Judge (of the district known as the "River Ward" or the "Bloody Twentieth"); and Aubrey Williams (with communistic, pinkish and negrophilistic affiliations), editor and publisher of The Southern Farmer, Montgomery, Alabama. (32)

These eleven men and women have, in their own ways, aided in the campaign for racial equality in the United States. "There they are, eleven men and women; without a single exception, they are professional anti-Southerners. They are the people who would destroy the civilization of the South, and set up in its stead a mongrelized people." (33) For their efforts to destroy racial barriers, they have been commended by a Negro newspaper; but they are forfeiting the confidence of the white people, not only in the South but in all sections. They should suffer the condemnation of all white Americans unless they promptly repent of their sins and are "baptized by emersion" in the clear, crystal waters of racial integrity and our white Caucasian civilization, followed by active and militant efforts to prevent the mongrelization of their offspring throughout the centuries to come.

There are other white individuals, some of them in Congress, who are serving the campaign for equality whether they intend to or not by aiding in the movements to abolish by federal law the poll tax in the Southern states, to secure the passage of anti-lynching legislation, and to have a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee established. And there are such organizations as the National Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax, the United Committee Against the Poll Tax Filibuster, The Southern Conference for Human Welfare and the Committee of One Hundred of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People which are aiding in this cause. Such organizations as these with white and colored members do all that they can to promote the cause of social equality. To these groups may be added the hundreds of communist-front organizations scattered throughout the United States.

The most subtle, deceiving, and hypocritical of all the Negro social equality fronts or organizations is the communistic Southern Conference for Human Welfare, which has been listed above. Notwithstanding the fact that this group is advertised as a Southern organization, it was conceived and organized in New York City and its sponsors and members can be found all the way from Harlem, New York, to the heart of Dixie. It is a kind of Mother Hubbard or cover-all that reaches out and tries to "mother" all the minor social equality fronts. While most of the respectable and outstanding members of this organization are inactive, yet its militant membership is composed of leading members of the Negro intelligentsia and a few questionable betrayers of the white race.

All true Southerners resent the implication of the name of this mongrel organization -- Southern Conference for Human Welfare -- which means or leaves the impression that humanity in the South is sorely neglected and ungodly, depressed and oppressed. If these Northern intermeddlers with Southern affairs are such great humanitarians, then why do they not organize a Northern Conference for Human Welfare and devote their time, money, energy, writing, and much loud speaking to do something for the "human welfare" of the depressed and oppressed people in the slums of Washington, the Nation's Capital, in the ungodly, immoral, sin-soaked sections of Harlem, New York, the "black belt" of Chicago, and in some of the other sore spots on the body politic in the large cities of the North? There is much work to be done, the harvest is great, but it seems that the laborers are few in the unfortunate "black spots" of our national life in the great Northern and Eastern sections of our country

This so-called Southern Conference for Human Welfare with nominal headquarters in Nashville, Tennessee, with James A. Dombrowski as Secretary, a well-known Communist female helper as assistant Secretary, Clark Foreman of Atlanta, "black sheep" of one of the South's most distinguished white families, President, and other officials, white and black, good, bad, and indifferent, has been staging some wonderful banquets from New York to the Southland. They have fooled and seduced many very fine citizens into sponsoring and becoming parties to these mongrel meetings. The most disgraceful performance of this un-American negrophilistic outfit has been the desecration of the name and memory of that great Democratic leader of the South, Thomas Jefferson, who said,

Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people are to be free; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government,
by bestowing upon the well-known Negro communist, Mary McLeod Bethune, and others the so-called "Jefferson award." God forgive such a desecration of a great man, a great leader, a great President, a great philosopher, a great statesman, who helped to organize the American Colonization Society for the voluntary repatriation of the Amertcan Negro to his fatherland, West Africa, because he foresaw the mongrelization of his race and the destruction of our blood-bought civilization if the two races attempted to live side by side in the same country.

Let it be noted here that the "black sheep" Clark Foreman, President of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, is the same Clark Foreman who joined the staff of Harold Ickes in the Department of Interior as racial adviser in 1933, and in that capacity he was the first white government official to employ a Negro secretary. It was this same Foreman who, as President of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, was instrumental in persuading Congressman Lee Geyer of California to introduce the first anti-poll tax bill in Congress in 1938. He also sponsored the creation of the National Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax, of which another white Quisling of the South, Jennings Perry, is President.

It should also be noted that Robert W. Dunn as Treasurer and Joseph R. Brodsky as Secretary of the Sound View Foundation, Inc. issued a check dated April 20, 1943, for $250.00. payable to the National Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax, this check being drawn on the Amalgamated Bank, 11-15 Union Square, New York City. It is a well known fact that the Sound View Foundation, Inc. is a communist outfit and has handled communist funds from abroad through Sidney Hillman's bank, the Amalgamated Bank of New York.

The white people of the South never fail to denounce those in high office or elsewhere who are endeavoring to bring about the social equality of the races in the United States. There are many white Americans in other sections who also condemn such activities and still many, many more who will do likewise when they fully realize the issues which are at stake. The New England author, Ira Calvin, has emphatically stated:

If it be treason to advocate the overthrow of the government of a people, it follows, as truly as the fact that the whole is greater than any of its parts, that to advocate the destruction of the people themselves is the highest kind of treason. Whoever in any way contrives to get the Negro into white society is guilty, either consciously or unconsciously, of advocating the destruction, not only of the white people of that particular country, but of the entire white race. Any man who accepts public office must expect that, sooner or later, the spotlight is bound to be thrown on his doings. As Swift says, 'Censure is the tax a man pays to the public for being eminent.' Up until now these men have apparently been quite proud of their actions, but any man or woman who cannot see that the entrance of the Negro into white society would eventually destroy that society, is void of reason and should not be permitted to hold public office. (34)
Another type of white person promoting the cause of racial equality is Lillian E. Smith, of Clayton, Georgia, and we can at least be thankful that there are not very many like her. She is the editor of the magazine, South Today and the author of the novel, Strange Fruit. Miss Smith says that she is a Southerner. but in her thinking and writing she is as alien to the South as the darkest corner of Africa. She preaches the destruction of segregation and the wiping out of all racial barriers. In the winter 1942-43 issue of South Today, there is an article entitled "There Are Things To Do." We do not have space here to list the suggestions which are clothed in beautiful and exemplary language, but still designed to break down all segregation, and to make the South a great big happy mulatto family." (35)

In Miss Smith's book, Strange Fruit, she has thrown a "halo of romance" around the illicit affair of a mulatress heroine and a white man. Containing obscenities that would have jailed the author a few decades ago, banned by the police in Boston and Detroit, praised by Mrs. Roosevelt, Strange Fruit, with its immorality and miscegenation, could have no other possible aim except the mongrelization of the Nation. This book by such a strange-minded lady of the deep South was condemned by the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, as evidenced by the following press report:


Boston, September 17--Declaring that Strange Fruit, the novel of racial conditions in the South by Lillian Smith, could be found to be obscene, indecent, and impure, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court upheld today the conviction of a Cambridge book store proprietor for selling the book.

In a dissenting opinion, Justice Henry T. Lummons asserted that while the majority opinion seemed to construe the statute rightly, he did not believe the evidence warranted a finding of guilty.

'Under normal conditions, I think the book could do no substantial harm to the morals of youth, for few juveniles would ever see it, much less read it,' he stated.

The opinion of the six other justices upheld the action of Judge Edward F. Hanify, who found Abraham A. Eisenstadt, guilty of possessing an obscene book with intent to sell and selling an obscene book. He was fined S100 on each of the two counts on December 4. His sale of the novel was made, for a test case, in March 1944 to Bernard De Voto, the literary critic, in the presence of representatives of the Civil Liberties Union.

In the 17-page majority opinion, written by Justice Stanley E. Qua, the court's majority said:

'Regarding the book as a whole, it is our opinion that a jury of honest and reasonable men could find beyond a reasonable doubt that it contains much that even in this post-Victorian era would tend to promote lascivious thoughts and to arouse lustful desire in the minds of substantial numbers of the public into whose hands this book obviously intended for sale, is likely to fall.'

The majority further stated that 'the matter which could be found objectionable is not necessary to convey any sincere message the book may contain, and is of such character and so pervades the work as to give the whole a licentious quality calculated to produce the harm which the statute was intended to prevent.'

For the same reasons, the majority said, an honest and reasonable judge and jury could find that the book 'manifestly tends to corrupt the morals of youth,' the words of the statute. (36)

Strange as it may seem, there are religious leaders and organizations who are aiding in this campaign for complete racial equality. In 1942, the Executive Committee of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, representing twenty-four denominations, appealed to its membership to end race bias. The statement said: "Interracial fellowship must become a deeper reality in the church itself. The church, as the body of Christ, cannot accept any barrier to fellowship, either locally or nationally, based upon considerations of race." And in December, 1943, the Council called upon Christian people to be "unprejudiced and wise enough to bridge and cross the chasms of racial isolation and segregation." (37)

Of course, the reader will understand that in quoting and condemning the words of a few of the leaders and part of the Executive Committee of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, we are not censuring or even holding responsible the great congregations of white men and women who belong to these churches. Millions of these good Christian American people who believe in the integrity of the white race condemn in their hearts the pronouncements and declarations of such leaders, and these members would not for a moment tolerate miscegenation and the mongrelization of the white race. However, those who compose the membership of these churches have a responsibility which they should and ought to perform; that is, they should purge their organizations of these negrophiles who are trying to lead the great body of white Christian men and women who belong to these churches into social equality, intermarriage, and the mongrelization of their race.

It is to be devoutly hoped that the great bodies composing the membership of these churches will no longer tolerate the apostasy and perfidy of some of their leaders but will at once rise and drive them from the temples as Christ drove the thieves from the Temple of God. It is most certainly a time when righteous indignation, as in the case of Christ with the thieves, should express itself not in hushed conversation but in militant and affirmative action. Throw them out! Selah.

There is in existence another religious organization operating under the name of The United Council of Church Women which should be discussed here. Without a doubt, this group, which we understand is interdenominational, is rendering a great disservice to the integrity of the white race in the United States. Some members of this organization are not only preaching social equality between the white and black races, but they are brazenly practicing it.

The following quotation is from the Washington (D.C.) Post article, dated October 24, 1945, about the meeting of these "negrophilistic religionist" women in the Nation's Capital:

The United Council of Church Women (opened) a four-day conference at the First Congregational Church, 10th and G Sts., N.W., here yesterday....

The council devoted part of its opening session to racial problems, hearing, among other speakers, Charles H. Houston, Negro member of the President's Committee on Fair Employment Practices.

The council accepted an invitation from the Washington chapter to hold its conference here only on the condition that there would be no racial segregation of members. A number of members are guests during their visit in Washington at Negro residences, and some Negro delegates are being entertained in white homes. Mrs. Harper Sibley, president of the council, is a guest at the residence headquarters of the National Council of Negro Women, 1318 Vermont Ave., N.W. Mrs. Sibley lives in Rochester, N. Y.

Mrs. Emory Ross and Miss Jane Tiffany Wagner, both of New York City, are guests of Judge and Mrs. Armand Scott, Negroes. Dr. Paul Douglass, president of American University, is among white persons entertaining Negro delegates.

Such "stunts" in practicing social equality, especially in Washington, the Capital of the Nation, are not only disgraceful, unthinkable, and outlandish, but these practices are an open, brazen and defiant betrayal of the integrity of the white race and an affront to every suggestion of the decent, cultural, American ideals and aspirations of the Anglo-Saxon race. Of course, we are not questioning the right of freedom in the choice of associates or the right of American homes to select and entertain their own guests. Neither do we question the right of a white citizen to "bed up" in a Negro residence. However, we do question the right of any white man or woman, be he or she high or low, to compromise, contaminate, and do those things which will lead to miscegenation and the mongrelization of our white race.

We have carefully read the press reports of this four-day session of The United Council of Church Women in Washington. It has been noted that their time was spent in discussing and passing resolutions

(1) in opposition to peace-time compulsory military conscription, (2) for the creation of an international body to control the atomic bomb, (3) for the establishment of a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee, (4) for the extension of financial aid to the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, (5) for the passage of the anti-poll tax bill, (6) to increase the wage scale to a sixty-five cent minimum, and (7) to obtain Palestine for the Jews.

At no time during the session did we read an account where they were discussing and resolving concerning Jesus Christ and Him crucified as the Savior of sinful men and women. Evidently they do not endorse the words of the Apostle Paul who said: "And I, brethren, when I came to you . . determined not to know any thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and Him crucified. . . And my speech and my preaching was . . . in demonstration of the Spirit and of power." (35)

Mrs Harper Sibley, who is the head of this negrophilistic organization, went away from Washington fanatically exclaiming: "We made Washington an inter-racial City for the moment." May she and her kind never return! The one gratifying thing about the meeting was that this group vowed never to hold a session in any city in the United States where the people do not practice social equality of the races. Thank God that we will not be bothered with them below the Mason and Dixon Line!

The Methodist General Conference which was held in Kansas City on May 5, 1944, moved for the "ultimate elimination" of racial discrimination in that church. However, at this point let it be noted that this resolution would never have been proposed or adopted by the general Methodist Conference if there had not been the unification of the Southern Methodist Church with the Northern Methodist Church. Since the unification, some of the Northern Methodist bishops and leaders have taken the social-equality-Negro-ball and are trying to run away with it. It can also be said with certainty that the great body of white Methodism is fed up with these teachings of social equality which form, for the white race, a suicidal policy.

God grant strength and courage to the millions of the true white men and women who are members of the great Methodist Church to stop this insidious campaign of Negro or social equality miscegenation, amalgamation, intermarriage, and mongrelization before it is too late. My mother was a devout Methodist until the day of her death, but as she now looks down from her heavenly abode, I know that she would not want her offspring to follow leaders, whether bishop or pastor, who would lead the members of their church into mongrelization.

This picture of what is to be under the teachings of these few negrophilistic leaders - no matter how high in their church - may sound a little bit harsh, but remember that it is a picture of what will ultimately take place unless these leaders are stopped, suppressed, or thrown out. It is better that you know the truth now than to continue unheedingly in this path until the day comes when your offspring will wake up and find that they have become mongrels.

In an article which was recently sent to all newspapers, trade journals, and magazines by the Writers War Board, a publication issued by a government agency, Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, pastor of one of the biggest churches in New York, quoted what he termed an unequivocal statement by a foremost American sociologist: "The assumption of the inherent superiority of one (race) over all the rest, of the Nordic over the Latin, of the Anglo-Saxon over the Slav, of the Gentile over the Jew, of the Western over the Oriental, of the white over the colored, is childish folly, contrary to the teachings of science, dangerous to the common weal, and unworthy of civilized man."39 Such doctrine as this and all others which would lead to the amalgamation of the white, Mongolian, and Negro races in the United States must be repudiated whether they come from those high in government or those high in religious circles. White America cannot afford to allow such teachings to go unchallenged.

We must also condemn the activities of the United States government whenever its agencies are guilty of spreading Negro racial propaganda. In 1943, the Office of War Information issued an elaborate seventy-two page booklet showing Negroes at work, at play, and in uniform. The cost to the taxpayers for the two million copies of this booklet must have been close to a half-million dollars. Although the information contained in this publication is generally factual, it is certainly unusual that the Federal Government should spend the taxpayers' money in an attempt to promote the cause of a minority group. As Stuart O. Landry observes: The Government, as far as I know, has never gotten out a folder about the Indians in the United States, telling what they have done to help the war effort; it has issued no booklet pleading the cause of the Jews; neither have the Poles been favored with Government help through the Office of War Information; nor has any other minority racial group or association of American people been so honored."40 Clearly, such publications as the one referred to are used to aid the cause of Negro racial equality and at best the motive behind their publication by an agency of the Federal Government is questionable and political.

The United States Office of Education has likewise been guilty of spreading racial equality propaganda. In a report to the press, Dr. John W. Studebaker, head of the Office of Education, and his Negro assistant, Dr. Ambrose Caliver, who is racial adviser in the office of Education, called upon the colleges and universities of the South to open their doors to Negro students. (41) Replying to this report advocating the mingling of whites and Negroes in institutions of higher learning, Frederick Sullens, Editor of the Jackson, Mississippi Daily News, in a most appropriate editorial, told the advocates of such a practice to "Go straight to Hell." No government agency or organization or individual will ever convince the people of the South that separate schools for whites and Negroes should not be maintained. The people of the South know that the doctrines of those who argue for the mixing of the races in the institutions of learning would lead to the destruction of all racial barriers and to the amalgamation of the races.

Although separate racial schools have always been maintained in the South, it is understandable that in some sections of the North, East, and West where there were only few Negro families that the frugal, economic, money-saving objectives of town, city, county or state officials permitted the dangerous and destructive practice of integrating the few Negro children in their midst into the white schools. Little did these planners of the past dream of the great harm they were doing the white race by not enforcing the absolute segregation of the races in their school systems. As the Negro population has migrated from the South to all parts of our common country, more and more of the white people of those sections are realizing the great crime they have committed against the white children and the white race.

Today, the failure to segregate the white and black children in the public and all other schools is becoming the source of acute racial tension and disturbances because the white children are instinctively and rightfully protesting against the presence of the Negro children in their schools. The unwise yet frugal planners of the North, East, and West, are now reaping the harvest of their folly and betrayal of the white race in strikes, riots, antagonism, and all sorts of disturbances in those places where the white children are forced to attend mixed schools. All Americans have just read of the militant and uncontrollable situations in the schools in many sections, notably in New York, Chicago, Illinois, and Gary, Indiana. God grant that the day will soon come when the white people of the whole Nation realize the crime that is being committed by the failure to provide for racial segregation in the schools of this Republic no matter what the cost. Money used to correct this fatal mistake will be well spent, because if the white children are forced to social equality with the Negro children in our schools, colleges, and universities, such contacts will lead to and prepare the way for social equality miscegenation, amalgamation, mongrelization, and intermarriage of the two races.

The responsibility for the salvation and perpetuation of the white race - for the prevention of the eventual mongrelization of both the White and black races - is upon the lawmakers and school authorities in every village, township, county and state of the Nation. Delay is dangerous and will be fatal in the end. I call upon the decent, right-thinking people of America to correct their mistakes of the past by immediately providing for racial segregation in the schools of our common country. And remember, if you fail or refuse to do this, do not blame me when some day you look upon your family tree and behold, there will be little mulattoes and mongrels hanging on every limb.

The most active of all government agencies in the full equality campaign was the Fair Employment Practice Committee. This Committee was the government agency created under Executive Order No. 8802 to which we have already referred. The stated purpose of this agency was to prevent discrimination in employment in government and war industries, and this was and is still being used as a basis for a constant campaign for the destruction of all racial barriers in the United States. In a speech before the House of Representatives, the Honorable John A. Rankin, of Mississippi, referred to the Fair Employment Practice Committee as "one of the most dangerous communistic agencies ever created to annoy and harass the white people of this country . . . it has attempted to force the railroads of the country to place Negroes in positions of conductors and engineers. It is attempting to force business establishments to employ Negro clerks, and even managers and place them beside, and even over, the white men and white women they have always employed."

The Fair Employment Practice Committee employed over one hundred people in its own organization, three-fourths of whom were Negroes. Thus, it seems to have been chiefly a Negro organization though it preached no discrimination. This Committee did more than any other agency to create bitterness between the races and to promote racial conflict. Such attempts as were made by this Committee to force employers to accept employees regardless of race, creed, or color are definitely undemocratic, and the efforts which are now underway to enact legislation to establish a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee must be defeated.

The only serious attempt which was made by the Fair Employment Practice Committee to enforce its orders in the South resulted in the Mobile Shipyard race riot. This should be sufficient warning to these advocates of complete racial equality to confine their activities to areas above the Mason and Dixon Line. (42)

In promoting their campaign for complete racial equality in the United States, the Negro leaders and their white collaborators not only have the support of their organizations and some agencies of the Government, but they have the Negro press and magazines and some few white publications back of them. Time and Life magazines have supported the equality campaign by pictures and articles; newspapers such as PM and The Daily Worker give so much space to racial equality that they have a wide reputation of being anti-Southern. With its attacks on Southern policies and Southern leaders, as well as other groups who meet its disproval, PM is certainly "one of the finest examples of a hate sheet that flourishes in this country." (43)

The Negro newspapers and magazines are, of course chiefly responsible for familiarizing the Negro masses with the aims of the equality campaign. They devote as much space to promoting their "cause" as they do to reporting the news to their readers. "They descend to every form of diatribe and denunciation. They make bitter, vitriolic, slurring attacks on southern whites. When it comes to racial hate and intolerance, these newspapers and magazines have no equals." (44) If any doubt this description, they need only to obtain a few copies of the magazine Negro Digest or Negro papers, such as the People's Voice, the Chicago Defender, the Pittsburg Courier, the Amsterdam Star-News, or any one of the ten Afro-Americans and read for themselves.

In 1940, there were 339 newspapers, magazines, and bulletins published by Negroes, and 155 of the newspapers had a total circulation of 1,276,700. (45) Thus, the campaign for racial equality receives a strong and widespread backing from the Negro press.

Another group of workers in the campaign for the complete political, economic, and social equality of the white and black races are the members of the Communist Party. Concerning the Negroes, one section of the platform adopted by the Communist National Convention in 1940, stated:

The Negro people, most exploited of the toilers, suffering from lynching and jim crowism, robbed of their constitutional rights, are being prepared to fight another war for 'democracy' in order to further enslave them.

Pass the Geyer Anti-Poll Tax bill to give the vote to the Negro and white masses in the South....

Guarantee to the Negro people complete equality, equal rights to jobs, equal pay for equal work, the full right to organize, serve on juries and hold public office. Pass the anti-lynching bill. Demand the death penalty for lynchers. Enforce the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Constitution. (46)

In his essay in What the Negro Wants, Doxey Wilkerson, a member of the National Committee of the newly organized Communist Political Association, quotes a statement on the race issue from Earl Browder, formerly the head of the Communist organization in the United States. Browder says that the status quo of the Negroes in the United States is based "on Hitler-like racial conceptions," and he adds: "We must, as a war necessity, proceed to the systematic and relentless wiping out of every law, custom, and habit of thought, which in flagrant violation of our Constitution enforce an unequal status between Negro and white citizens of the United States." (47)

The destruction of all racial barriers is one of the chief aims of those in the United States who are branded as communists. They would abolish segregation and establish in its place the doctrine of social equality and intermarriage of the races. The fact that this group aids in promoting the campaign for racial equality should not only make us suspicious of such objectives but should definitely mark them as un-American. The following quotation from the pamphlet Negro Liberation by James S. Allen, Communist, should be carefully noted by all loyal and true Americans:

In every phase of life, whether it be in the shop, or in social or political relations, the Negroes suffer most, and therefore must demand more than the white workers or poor farmers.... In industry this demand takes the form of equal wages, equal conditions of work, etc.; in social life, the wiping out of all Jim Crow and segregation, and the right to be treated on a plane of equality with the whites; in political life, the right to vote, to hold office, etc....

In the South, and therefore in the North too, the Negroes can only be assured true equality by winning the demand of the right of self-determination, the most important of all democratic political rights....

The right of self-determination as applied to the Negroes in this country means: That the Negro people in the Black Belt, (48) where they have formed the majority of the population for many generations and where they have developed as a people, have the right to set up a republic of the Black Belt in which the Negro would exercise governmental authority (and where the significant white minority would have full equal rights with the Negroes), and determine for themselves whether their country should be federated to the United States or have complete political independence....

Communism strives to bring the people of the world closer together, to unite them into larger and larger states. The Communist Party of the U. S. A. strives to unite the Negro toilers and the white masses of the country, but this objective cannot be reached until the Negroes have the freedom - which they do not have now - to enter of their own free will and without coercion into such a union. (49)

The Negro leaders and all the other individuals and organ- izations which are aiding them are presenting a united effort in their attempts to secure complete racial equality in the United States. In addition to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the March on Washington Movement, which we have discussed in this chapter, the National Urban League, the National Negro Congress, and the National Council of Negro Women are strong organizations engaged in this fight. Including this group, sometimes referred to as the "Big Five," there are 125 national Negro organizations (50) which are in a position to aid in the campaign for equality.

Representatives of twenty-five Negro organizations met in December, 1943, and made public the terms upon which the Negro voters would support a candidate for President in 1944. The Negroes served notice on both major political parties in the United States that they would oppose any candidate with an "anti-Negro" record who might be nominated. The statement, presented to the Democratic and Republican parties, declared: "The Negro voter will support a political party which by words and deeds shows its determination to work for full citizenship status for thirteen million American Negroes and to better the lot of all disadvantaged people in this country."

The statement offered by these Negro organizations demanded the right of the Negro to vote in every State, unre- stricted by poll taxes and white Democratic primaries, action against lynching and mob violence, an end to imperial and colonial exploitation. It also condemned segregation of the races and "discrimination" against Negroes in the armed forces and declared that any political party which wanted to obtain Negro support must adopt a program with the follow ing provisions:

Full integration of the Negro into the armed forces without segregation.

Abolition of quotas by race in the medical corps, nurse corps, technical and all other branches of the services.

A program of education in decent and democratic race relations to be carried out in the army and navy.

A revised navy program which will include acceptance of Negroes as commissioned officers, the use of Negroes in general and technical service in sea-going vessels and the acceptance of Negro women in the Waves, Spars and nurse corps without segregation.

Abolition of segregation in recreational and other facilities at army posts and naval shore installations and abolition of segregation of blood plasma.

Progressive removal of Negro troops from those areas where they are treated with violence, abuse and disrespect in the civilian community in view of the demonstrated inability of the federal authorities, military and civil to cope with such behavior.

The same opportunity as others to serve in combat forces.

In presenting their demands to the major political parties, the Negro organizations declared: "The Negro knows that his voting strength in seventeen or more States with 281 or more votes in the electoral college gives him the potential balance of power in any reasonably close national election and in many State and local elections. His vote no longer belongs to any one political party." (51) The importance of the Negro vote makes it possible for the Negro leaders and organizations to wield much more power today than they did in former years. Functioning as a pressure group, the Negroes often are able to secure some favorable action from a political faction in exchange for the colored vote. The Negro organizations are using the political strength of their minority group in every way possible to aid in their campaign for equality, and they are much more powerful today than they have ever been in the past. The political importance of the colored vote comes from the fact that it often represents the balance of power in balance-of-power states. Along the Eastern Coast and in the middle West, the Negro vote may turn the tide of victory in a national election when the vote is close. In these states, the Negro vote is an important factor in the gubernatorial elections, and it assumes even more importance in municipal elections in the cities where the Negroes are concentrated.
When the doubtful state of Illinois went Democratic in 1932 by a majority of 382,290, the Negro vote of about 170,000 amounted to a balance of power. When the normally Republican state of Pennsylvania went Democratic four years later by a majority of 581,646, the Negro vote played a big role in the upset; the Republican majority in 1932 in Pennsylvania had been less than 70,000 - and there was some 207,000 Negro votes in the state. Pennsylvania counts for more in the Electoral College than Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina combined, while Illinois outweighs Virginia and North Carolina put together.

Perhaps the most significant political event below the Potomac since Lincoln freed the slaves was the winning of the Negro vote above the Potomac by the Democrats in 1932 and its retention in 1936 and 1940. (52) It means that from now on the Democratic Party will be competing for what has heretofore belonged to the Republicans. And because the vote represents something near a balance of power in balance-of-power states, it means also that Northern Negroes may become more important than Southern whites in the party of the white South's long allegiance. (53)

The colored leaders use this political strength of the Negro vote whenever possible to influence members of Congress to support legislation favorable to this minority group. The pressure groups keep up a relentless fight to secure passage of the so-called anti-poll tax bill, and anti-lynching and FEPC legislation, and various other measures which they feel would aid in their campaign for racial equality in the United States.

Minority groups can be extremely powerful especially when they are well organized. The colored minority in this Nation has a definite objective which has been stated as the complete political, economic, and social equality of the white and black races throughout the country. To accomplish this goal, they are using their combined strength and that of other groups which are sympathetic with these aims. The Negro leaders, the Negro organizations, the Black Cabinet, the white individuals and groups who are aiding the colored minority are constantly and actively engaged in spreading the infamous doctrine of Negro equality. They declare that the white and black races are equal and plead for the destruction of racial barriers in the name of science, democracy, and religion- reasons which we found to be absolutely false in Chapters VI, VII, and VIII.

In demanding racial equality, occasionally the Negroes and negrophiles present arguments which are somewhat factual; more often their pleas contain half-truths which are extremely dangerous, and often they use what must be branded as outright lies. The Negro equality propaganda has now reached an all-time high. It seems as if these full equality advocates have taken the advice of Adolph Hitler, who once said that if you make the lie big enough, tell it often enough and emphatically enough, it will appear to the masses of the people as the truth. But such a damnable doctrine will not be accepted by the people of the United States. White America must condemn every individual, every group, and every organization that is directly or indirectly aiding in the campaign for complete racial equality which will bring about the mongrelization of this Nation.

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  1. Washington, Booker T., Up From Slavery (Garden Clty, New York: Doubleay, Doran and Company, Inc., 19OO), p. 219.

  2. Washington, Booker T., Up From Slavery, p. 224.

  3. Some of the present day leaders of the Negro race have even tried to desecrate the memory of Booker T. Washington by claiming that he endorsed their total social equality demands. Disregarding Washington's spoken words, his speeches, his writings, and the philosophy which he taught the youth of his race at Tuskegee, Roy Wilkins, now Assistant Secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, has had the audacity to write that Washington "envisioned complete equality as the goal for his people," that he was "a shrewd man, thoroughly in tune with his time and its people," and that he "appeared to be an appeaser and did his great work under that protective cloak." (This statement by Wilkins may be found in: Logan, R. W., What the Negro Wants, p. 117.)

  4. Washington, Booker T., Up From Slavery, p. 314.

  5. Logan, R. W., What the Negro Wants, p. 55.

  6. ld. at p. 55.

  7. Reprinted from What the Negro Wants, edited by Rayford W. Logan, by permission of The University of North Carolina Press. Copyright 1944, by The Universiry of North Carolina Press. (Patterson's statement has already been discussed in Chapter V.)

  8. Landry, Stuart O., The Cult of Equality (New Orleans: Pelican Publishing Company, 1945), p.298.

  9. Logan, R. W., What the Negro Wants, p. 117.

  10. Ottley, Roi, New World A-Coming (Cambridge: The Riverside Press, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943), p.240.

  11. Embree, Edwin R., 13 Against the Odds (New York: The Viking Press, 1944), p. 71.

  12. Embree, Edwin R., 13 Against the Odds, p. 91.

  13. The Southern Watchman, July 3, 1943, p. 5

  14. See Chapter V, p. 67.

  15. 0ttley, Roi, New World A-Coming, p. 252.

  16. Id. at p. 252.

  17. Randolph, A. Philip, "Why Should We March?", Survey Graphic, November, 1942, p. 489.

  18. 0ttley, Roi, New World A-Coming, p. 253.

  19. Birnie William A. H., "Black Brain Trust," The American Magazine, January, 1943, p. 94.

  20. Randolph, A. Philip, "Why Should We March?", Survey Graphic, November, 1942, p. 489.

  21. 0tt]ey, Roi, New World A-Coming, p. 249.

  22. Hunt, Lester M., "Negro 'Leader' Stirs Race Hate," The International Teamster, June, 1943, p. 11.

  23. Ottley, Roi, New World A-Coming, p. 254.

  24. Birnie, William A. H., "Black Brain Trust," Thc American Magazine, January, 1943, p. 37.

  25. Randolph, A. Philip, "Why Should We March?", Survey Graphic, November, 1942, p. 488.

  26. 0ttley, Roi, New World A-Coming, p. 265.

  27. Birnie, William A. H., "Black Brain Trust," The American Magazine, January, 1943, p. 37.

  28. Ottley, Roi, New World A-Coming, p. 261.

  29. Birnie, William A. H., "Black Brain Trust," The American Magazine, January, 1943, p. 95.

  30. Landry, Stuart 0., The Cult of Equality, p. 302.

  31. Commercial Appeal (Memphis, Tenn.), July 25, 1943.

  32. This list was published in The Southern Watchman, January 8, 1944. p. 4.

  33. Ibid.

  34. Calvin, Ira, The Lost White Race, p. 111.

  35. The Southern Watchman, March 20, 1943, p. 2.

  36. This article may be found in the Congressional Record (Daily), September 20, 1945, p. 8947.

  37. Landry, Stuart O., The Cult of Equality, p. 18.

  38. I Corinthians 2:1-2, 4.

  39. Landry, Stuart 0., The Cult of Equality, p. 18.

  40. Landry, Stuart 0., The Cult of Equality, p. 14.

  41. Jackson (Mississippi) Daily News, March 8, 1943.

  42. "The racial outbreaks of this week (the Mobile riot) were the result of this FEPC policy. Obeying the FEPC, the company sent negro welders on the same shift with white welders - and then the trouble came. Eight men, seven of them negroes, were injured in the fight which followed - and 7,000 negro workers in the Mobile area were called from their jobs! State guardsmen were sent into the area; highway patrolmen were rushed out.

    "The Mobile trouble didn't 'just happen.' It had a background. It had been in the making for months. It happened because wise men of the South, giving solemn warning, were utterly ignored. It happened because the troublemakers thought that they knew more about our affairs than did we ourselves. The only thing for which we have a right to be thankful is that it wasn't more serious. But there is one thing certain: If the meddlers - the radical negroes of the North, the professional meddlers all over the country and our own 'liberal' quislings of the South don't leave us alone, more trouble will come -- and it might be a lot more serious next time."_ The Southern Watchman, May 29, 1943, p. 8.

  43. Landry, Stuart 0., The Cult of Eguality, p. 257.

  44. Landry, Stuart 0., The Cult of Equality, p. 257.

  45. Murray, Florence, The Negro Handbook (New York: Wendell Malliet and Company, 1942), p. 201.

  46. Id. at p. 172.

  47. Logan, R. W., What the Negro Wants, p. 209.

  48. Allen has previously described the "Black Belt of the South" as "the old cotton country which sweeps through parts of twelve southern states from the southern border of Maryland into the Mississippi delta" and where "today there are 5,000,000 Negroes."

  49. Allen, James S., Negro Liberation (New York: International Pamphlets, 1935), pp. 18, 20, 21.

  50. Murray. Florence, The Negro Handbook (New York: Current Reference Publications, 1944), p. 271.

  51. New York Times, December 2, 1943.

  52. And also in 1944.

  53. Graves, John Temple, "The Solid South is Cracking," The American Mercury, LVI, Jan-June, 1943, p. 401.