The attainment of White America is not possible save by removing the
Africans and excluding the Asiatic.
If the Asiatic of the Western States continue their rapid increase through
their excessively high birth rates, it may be necessary to colonize the
American Asiatic. The removal of the black man will not save us if we permit
the yellow man to enter, nor will the exclusion of the yellow man save us if we
permit the black man to remain. Those who favor the solution of one of the
problems will be concerned in the solution of the other. These two great
purposes go hand in hand, for any success in the meeting of one of the perils
will have a reflex influence upon the meeting of the other. But it is the
"black peril" rather than the "yellow peril," with which we
are primarily concerned, and we will confine the program to those measures
necessary to solve the Negro problem.
The program of repatriation should consist, in part, of temporary measures.
In general, the temporary measures should insure the purity of the white race
by prohibiting the intermarriage between members of the white race and those of
any other race; the suppression of race friction, by concerted action on the
part of leaders of both races; the opportunity for the Negro to maintain
himself economically, though this work a hardship upon the white man; the
education of the Negro, with special regard for the requirements of his future
home.
The temporary measures are preparatory merely. They will not solve the Negro
problem. The nation cannot continue part European and part African. The future
holds before us either a white America, with its concomitant progress, or a
mongrel America, with its decay of culture. Amalgamation or separation is the
only solvent of the Negro problem.
The white man at his best progresses but slowly; mixed with the blood of the
Negro, his offspring is below the creative level. No people partly black are
able to compete with a people wholly white. These deductions are drawn from six
thousand years of history, and are not speculations based upon chosen theories.
Within this generation America is to decide whether the future American is
to be wholly white or partly colored; whether Caucasian institutions based upon
Caucasian manhood are to be perpetuated or whether African and Asiatic blood,
one or both, are to eventually qualify Caucasian possibilities. There are now
eleven million Negroes in the United States. Our children shall confront twenty
million. The Negro has increased as fast as the white since we became a nation.
His relatively low position in the percentage of population in 1920, as
compared with his numerical proportion in the entire population in 1820, has
been determined mainly by the arrival of white immigrants.
Though mongrel America be in the distant future, yet it is the height of
race insanity to ignore it because we shall not witness its consummation. If we
fail to make America white when such attainment is possible, and bequeath to
our children the burden of the black when that burden has assumed such
proportions that they shall find it impossible to save race and culture, we are
unworthy of our ancestors and will be a curse to our posterity. If we pity the
living Negro and scorn the unborn white our race is doomed. Our children have
the right to demand of us that they be born white in a white man's land. To
deny this right, to ignore this elemental call of blood, stamps us as
ungrateful for the past and unmindful of the future. It cannot be that we are
willing to debase our descendants to secure ease for ourselves! This
consciousness furnishes a basis for hope. When the fond parent asks himself if
he is willing to leave in our midst the present number of Negroes and their
future increase as an intolerable burden upon his own flesh and blood, he is
conscious of an unwillingness that this be done. The future of our race and
civilization depends upon the strength of the unwillingness and the manner of
its manifestation.
Already part of our original America stock, and too, that part which has
contributed most of our material greatness (the colonial stock in New England),
is failing to reproduce itself in excess of its death rate. Within the past
fifty years the whites of the agricultural south only have increased faster
than the Negro. With the coming of the industrial era in the South it remains
to be determined whether this increase will be maintained. Outside of the
Southern States, the low birth rate existing among descendants of the
colonials, if considered in relation to the Southern increase, will reduce the
total increase of the colonial American to a percentage not greater than that
of the Negro. We are recruiting from foreign whites who, if they are of high
race stock, soon adapt themselves to the family standard of the American homes.
We cannot look forward to immigration to maintain the white man's proportion
above the black, for America will eventually become congested and immigration
assume immaterial proportions.
The creative element in our civilization is essentially Nordic. Upon this
element our future, if it partakes of glory rather than abasement, depends.
This element, derived from the capable people of Northern and Western Europe,
constitutes an overwhelming proportion of our white inhabitants. But it is just
this element of our population which is heading straight to that reproductive
condition to which France has fallen and to which England is drawing near.
France barely retains her numerical status; England's increase is slow and is
ever growing less.
The recent great war was made certain by the "race suicide" of
France and England in contrast to the great increase of the Germans. During the
Franco-Prussian War (1870) the Germans numbered but three millions more than
the French; now they number thirty millions more. The increase of the Germans
drove France into the arms of her hereditary enemy; England. The world has
given due credit to the Germans for the brilliancy of their intellect and the
genius shown in their organization. However, the real source of the German
preponderance, both in peace and war, is the excess fecundity of the German
women over those of France and Great Britain.
The problem of the lack of increase of the inhabitants of white nations is
not within the province of this treatise, but we shall have to take stock of
the low birth rate of white Americans and the falling off of Nordic immigration
to the United States in order to form judgment as to the necessity of
repatriating the Negro. If the American white homes reach the French standard,
which they are ever tending to do, this alone will make imperative the
repatriation of the American Negro.
The program of repatriation will need to be founded upon a knowledge of its
necessity. A survey of our situation will give this knowledge. The survey will reveal
the Negro as an alien race which will forever prevent the attainment of our
destinies as a Caucasian nation. His presence alone, though we could remain
uncontaminated by his influence and blood admixture, will defeat our aims; but
it is impossible to dwell with his future millions and remain free from his
influence and his blood. Such knowledge as this is the first essential in the
program of repatriation. We must realize the necessity of repatriating the
Negro. If we do not have consciousness that repatriation is imperative, no
effective steps will be taken to solve the problem which confronts us and
neither our race nor its culture will survive. Believing that we shall continue
to exclude the yellow race, we may definitely affirm that the increase of
civilization or the decay of culture will result form the one way or the other
that we solve the Negro problem. As we are not to exterminate the Negroes, we
are to amalgamate our race with theirs or remove them to a separate location.
Let us keep in mind Egypt, India, and a score of other analogous instances in
which the white man has not survived contact with the colored, and civilization
has not survive the white man.
We are, then, to secure knowledge of the history of the contact of the races
and observe the results upon the white race of its long dwelling with the
Negro. We are to apply this knowledge to our problem, and from such application
determine measures that are necessary to enable us to escape the fate of other
white peoples who have dwelt with the Negro.
Having knowledge of the past and of the present, we are then to devise some
effective means of disseminating this knowledge. A few individuals may make
available all the knowledge that is necessary; that is, the acquisition of the
necessary knowledge may be the work of a few experts in ethnology taken in its
widest sense. But how to get the majority, a constitutional majority, of white
Americans to see and appreciate what the Negro problem has meant to the nation
in the past, what it means at present, and still more, what it will mean in the
future, is the difficulty before those who have given it sufficient attention
to understand that delay makes solution difficult, and that too much delay will
mean the impossibility of separating the races and will lead, ultimately,
through the generations to come, to a Negroid America.
There are many men and women, capable and well prepared to carry on an
agitation for the removal of the Negro, basing their arguments upon
self-evident necessity. Those thus constituted for leadership in the agitation
which must precede repatriation should supplement their knowledge by searching
the authentic records bearing upon the contact of races and observing the
results upon civilization when it is in contact with colored races. This
supplementary source of information is more important than that knowledge which
is acquired from local or contemporary sources, for it furnishes a view of our
race in contact with the Negro throughout many centuries, and has the
additional advantage of removing a vexed question out of the realm of
sectionalism and prejudice.
Students of the Negro problem who are to aid in disseminating information
upon the problem should not be content with less than the best arguments and
the most forceful illustrations. This, then, constitutes another reason for
seeking information beyond that obtainable from the history of North America,
for here our persistive color line and bountiful Caucasian immigration tend to
obscure the ineradicable issues involved in the contact of the races. We have
remained white for three centuries, while other communities, once white, in
this period, have become mongrel.
The practical operation of the color line debarks the Caucasian and the
non-Caucasian. It is in this sense only that we may be said to have remained
white. The non-white are on the other side of the color line. The fact that
one-fourth of the so-called Negro population in reality have Caucasian blood in
their veins, should teach us that the function of the color line is to prolong
merely, not to perpetuate, Caucasian purity. Our danger from miscegenation is a
slow and ill-appreciated danger. It is insidious, and we are lulled to a false
sense of security. The prepared student will be able to make it clear that
miscegenation is to be eventually a universal fact, but, that during the
centuries intervening until a majority of Americans have Negro blood in their
veins, we are not to escape the stress of race conflict; that turmoil will
continue while amalgamation is in process. Culturally, our civilization
will be qualified both extensively and intensively by the Negro's presence, but
cultural progress will not cease until the Negro and the mixbreed, by reason of
their numerical preponderance, attain practical sovereignty of the nation. (In
order to illustrate the subsidence of civilized culture as result of, and in
direct proportion to the rise of mixbreeds to sovereignty, read Latin
America, by F. Garcia Calderon.)
Let the reader of this and other volumes dealing with our impending decay
realize that it is the duty of every individual to do his share to avert the
danger. Do not shift responsibility to others' shoulders. Agitate this
question. Organize societies whole purpose it is to study the Negro problem in
the light of history. Urge the necessity for action in public, in private, and
in print. We are not fighting a war of extermination. Our solution of the
problem will better the position of the Negro as well as make possible the
continuation of the culture of the white.
The future is before us. We are bequeathing to posterity an ever increasing
burden whose devitalizing influence will reach the source of progress and
beneath which our civilization will not survive. Others have fought for a
desire; we fight for a necessity. Others have sought to promote our
civilization; we seek to make its continuation possible. If we do not make
America white, we shall have proven false to race and institutions.
We have received a white heritage from our ancestors; shall we bequeath our posterity
less? For countless centuries our race has been dominant among the peoples of
the world, shall our children be counted among the mongrels? The white race nor
its culture has ever survived prolonged contact with a colored race, shall
America repeat, or shall America reverse history? We of this generation are to
determine whether the American of the future is to be wholly white or partly
black. The Negro problem is to be settled by the separation of the races or by
the amalgamation of the races. There is no doubt as to the nation's ability to
repatriate the Negro. Repatriation is possible! It is necessary! If we do not
repatriate the Negro, our race will become Negroid and our culture will decay.
If we do repatriate the Negro, our civilization is to increase, and our future
belongs to God.