The Tawana Brawley Ploy

���� Everyone remembers Tawana Brawley, the 16‑year‑old Negress who was found early one morning in October 1987 on a front lawn in Wappingers Falls, NY, inside a plastic garbage bag, her naked body smeared with feces and marked with Ku Klux Klan graffiti. She said she had been kidnapped and raped by six White men, including a uniformed policeman and an assistant district attorney, and then dumped on the lawn. The controlled national media wallowed in the story for months, trumpeting their outrage at "White racism" and calling for Draconian new laws against "hate crimes" ‑‑ until one of the young Negress's advisors admitted it was all a con; Tawana had made the whole thing up.

� Unfortunately for the media, they couldn't just quietly drop the story at that point. Too many wheels had been set in motion, including a grand‑jury investigation and big rewards offered by a couple of high‑profile Black celebrities for the arrest of the White perpetrators. So the media spent another couple of months moaning about the damage done to Black credibility (not to their credibility, of course) by Tawana and the gang of Black preachers, lawyers, advisors, and other hangers‑on she had picked up during her initial days of glory. They acted as if Tawana and Company were something new under the sun; as if they had never before been conned by a sympathy‑seeking "victim" of "White racism" or "anti‑Semitism."

���� As a matter of fact every news‑room morgue in the country is crammed with similar stories, which differ from the Tawana Brawley story primarily in the ease with which the media were able to drop them as soon as the holes began to become noticeable. And it is not necessary to look back to the 1960s for them, when the standard remedy for flagging enthusiasm on the part of the "freedom marchers" or their media claque was torching a Black church and blaming it on the Ku Klux Klan; there have been doz‑ens of similar incidents every year.

���� Nor did Tawana's eventual embarrassment discourage further practitioners of the ploy. The ink was hardly dry on Tawana's last big press writeup when another Negress, Janice Hamlet, was caught redhanded in Ohio, in December 1988. Janice, 35, was a recently hired "affirmative action" teacher of speech and journalism at Ohio Dominican College, in Columbus, who was enraged by what she considered "racist slurs" in a term paper written by a White student, Michael Smith. She took the paper to college administrators and demanded that they expel Smith.

���� When the administrators were not sufficiently impressed to take action against Smith, Janice copied sections of his paper into letters containing death threats, signed his name, and mailed them to Black and Puerto Rican students and faculty members at the school. That finally produced the desired result: Smith was arrested, and the media had a heyday.

���� Alas, the bubble was pricked all too soon, for Janice had not planned her mischief with the intelligence such things require. Not only were there problems with the handwriting, but the fingerprints on the letters and envelopes all turned out to be hers instead of Smith's. At least, the media managed to ease quietly out of this one, without people much beyond the Columbus city limits being any the wiser about the embarrassing turn the matter had taken.

���� The Jews are generally much more successful with the Tawana Brawley ploy than Blacks are. They plan their stories more carefully and then brazen them through more convincingly when skeptics begin noticing the ragged edges. Even so, there are occasional slipups which even a flurry of high‑decibel charges of anti‑Semitism or a bucketful of tearful reminders of the "Holocaust" cannot cover up. A recent one occurred in Yonkers, NY, the scene of racial turmoil for more than a year.

���� Yonkers, a mostly White community of 190,000 residents 30 miles north of New York City, was ordered by a Federal judge to build a number of low‑income housing units, so that Black welfare recipients from Brooklyn and other areas could be moved in to provide more "cultural diversity." The citizens, naturally enough, reacted with dismay and anger. Local members of a White‑rights organization, the Washington‑based National Alliance, distributed a large number of flyers to Yonkers residents, pointing out that not only the judge, but also all of the other principals behind the court order, are Jews, and that what the Jews are doing to Yonkers is part of a much larger Jewish campaign to destroy White communities throughout the country.

���� The fury of White Yonkers residents was such that not even the local Jewish merchants and lawyers were willing to support the housing plan publicly. One Jewess in Yonkers was not intimidated, however. She was Laurie Recht, a roly‑poly, 34‑year‑old legal secretary and law student. At a public meeting in January 1988 which residents had organized to protest the court order, the 4‑foot‑10‑inch, 200‑pound Jewess boldly stood up and spoke in favor of the order. She was its only proponent at the meeting, and others present told her in no uncertain terms what they thought of her.����� That much actually happened.

���� Then Recht began complaining to the police and the Federal Bureau of Investigation that she was being threatened by anti‑Semites. She was receiving telephoned death threats, she said, and swastikas and other threatening graffiti were repeatedly scrawled on walls near her apartment door. The local media treated her like a Hebraic Joan of Arc, praising her courage and her heroic commitment to "racial justice" in the face of this harassment. The National Alliance fell under suspicion as her tormentor.

���� She was given special police protection. She became a featured speaker before civil rights groups. She was invited to give the 1988 commencement address at the College of New Rochelle, where she also was awarded an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters degree and lauded as the "lone voice of reason" in Yonkers. Two weeks before that she had been given a summa cum laude degree by the State University of New York at Purchase. Her fame spread far beyond the state, as the national media took up her cause. Nevertheless, the anti‑Semitic harassment continued. She reported a bomb threat, the vandalizing of her car, and more graffiti.

���� Recht was at the height of her career as a Jewish civil rights martyr when she was arrested by FBI agents last November 30 and charged with making false statements to a Federal agency. The Federal agents showed a remarkable lack of "sensitivity" in their choice of the time and place of the arrest: they grabbed her from the speaker's podium and put handcuffs on her at a conference on racism and anti‑Semitism, sponsored by the New Rochelle Coalition for Mutual Respect, a civil rights group organized to counter resistance to the low‑income housing order.

���� Recht's downfall came after FBI agents installed a hidden surveillance camera in the hallway outside the entrance to her apartment. The purpose of the camera was to catch the anti‑Semites who had been scrawling swastikas and death threats against her on the walls. No one bothered to tell Ms. Recht about the camera, however.

���� The result of this oversight was some very interesting videotape footage, showing Recht slipping quietly out into the hallway just before midnight on November 26, looking around very carefully, and then hastily scrawling a new batch of swastikas and anti‑Jewish comments on the freshly scrubbed walls. There was other evidence as well: special equipment installed on her telephone line showed no incoming calls at times she reported having received telephoned death threats.

���� Recht was a follower of a scurvy tradition established by Jews who have been willing to take wild chances in order to tweak the public's conscience about its alleged mistreatment of the poor, abused Jews whenever the need arose: swastika daubers, plate‑glass smashers, hate‑letter writers, concocters of atrocity stories, and synagogue burners, most of them have been clever enough not to be caught, although with so many of them at work there inevitably have been other unfortunates like her.<See NATIONAL VANGUARD No. 94, p. 5, "Embarrassing Arrest"; and No. 97, p. 22, "Getting Sympathy," for reports on other uses by Jews of the Tawana Brawley ploy.>

���� Another especially interesting instance of the latter, who also came to grief last year, was a halfbreed Dutch‑Jewish actor in Amsterdam, Jules Croiset. After the Germans, the Dutch are probably the most brainwashed people in Europe. The Jews have been quite successful in convincing them that they bear a heavy burden of guilt for permitting the Germans to "Holocaust" the Jews of the Netherlands during the Second World War. Every now and then the guilt wears a little thin, however, and the Dutch people begin to forget their obligations to the multitude of "survivors" in their country who miraculously escaped the ovens. Whenever that happens, something must be done to renew the guilt feelings.

���� That was the situation in late 1987, when a play by the late German playwright Rainer Werner Fassbinder, Garbage, the City, and Death, came to Amsterdam. Because one of the characters in the play is an especially greasy Jewish real‑estate speculator, it has been widely denounced by Jews as anti‑Semitic. So determined are Jews that Gentile viewers not be permitted to see the play that they have blocked stages and threatened to bomb theatres where it was scheduled to be performed.

���� A combination of "Holocaust" histrionics and strongarm tactics prevented the performance in Amsterdam, but this heavy‑handed Jewish censorship riled the normally docile Dutch. The consequence was some rare public criticism of the Jews by Dutch cultural figures, followed by the publication of the text of the play in a popular Dutch magazine and a reading over a Dutch radio station.

���� Croiset, who had been active in the campaign to prevent the performance of the play, suddenly disappeared. At about the same time prominent Jews in the Netherlands began receiving threatening letters, purportedly from the "Dutch Fascist Youth Front." One such letter was received by Croiset's wife, telling her that their two sons would be murdered. Then, a few days after he had disappeared, Croiset stumbled into a police station and reported that he had been kidnapped by neo‑Nazis and tortured. His Star of David pendant had been ripped off, and a swastika had been painted on his chest in its place. He had been confined by the Nazis in a sewer tunnel, but had managed to escape.����� The masters of the news media, the politicians, the churchmen, and other Jew‑fawning elements in the Dutch population did not wait for the police to investigate Croiset's story; they immedeiately hailed him as a martyr and howled for vengeance against the anti‑Semitic "rats [who are] coming out of their holes." The Dutch Minister of Justice announced that he was planning to name a special prosecutor to investigate neo‑Nazi activities. A large demonstration was organized at an Amsterdam church in Croiset's behalf by Christian leaders.

���� Then on January 6, 1988, the Dutch police announced to their astonished countrymen that they had been hoodwinked by yet another bit of Jewish trickery. Croiset, when confronted with the evidence police investigators had uncovered, confessed that he had faked his kidnapping and had sent the letters from the "Dutch Fascist Youth Front."

���� This one was almost as awkward for the controlled media in the Netherlands as the Tawana Brawley circus was for the media in this country; they tried to back out of it by explaining that Croiset had become unhinged by his contemplation of Nazi wickedness and just chose an ill‑advised way to alert the Dutch people to the danger of a resurgence of anti‑Semitism. He was to be pitied rather than punished for his deception.

���� Actually, the people who should be angriest at clumsy bunglers like Recht and Croiset are their fellow Jews; if there are many more such fiascos, with widely publicized claims of persecution by anti‑Semites exposed as fabrications, the dim‑witted goyim might wake up and begin questioning the sacred mythology of the "Holocaust." Then Gentile feelings of guilt and of a special obligation to the Jews and to Israel might really wear thin.

���� When will the goyim of the world wake up?

Did Six Million Really Die? by Richard E. Harwood Chapter 9 THE JEWS AND THE CONCENTRATION CAMPS: A FACTUAL APPRAISAL BY THE RED CROSS There is one survey of the Jewish question in Europe during World War Two and the conditions of Germany's concentration camps which is almost unique in its honesty and objectivity, the three-volume Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on its Activities during the Second World War, Geneva, 1948. This comprehensive account from an entirely neutral source incorporated and expanded the findings of two previous works: Documents sur I'activit� du CICR en faveur des civils detenus dans les camps de concentration en Allemagne 1939- 1945 (Geneva, 1946), and Inter Arma Caritas: the Work of the ICRC during the Second World War (Geneva, 1947). The team of authors, headed by Fr�d�ric Siordet, explained in the opening pages of the Report that their object, in the tradition of the Red Cross, had been strict political neutrality , and herein lies its great value. The ICRC successfully applied the 1929 Geneva military convention in order to gain access to civilian internees held in Central and Western Europe by the Germany authorities. By contrast, the ICRC was unable to gain any access to the Soviet Union, which had failed to ratify the Convention. The millions of civilian and military internees held in the USSR, whose conditions were known to be by far the worst, were completely cut off from any international contact or supervision. The Red Cross Report is of value in that it first clarifies the legitimate circumstances under which Jews were detained in concentration camps, i.e. as enemy aliens. In describing the two categories. of civilian internees, the Report distinguishes the second type as "Civilians deported on administrative grounds (in German, "Schutzh�ftlinge"), who were arrested for political or racial motives because their presence was considered a danger to the State or the occupation forces" (Vol. 111, p. 73). These persons, it continues, "were placed on the same footing as persons arrested or imprisoned under common law for security reasons." (P.74). The Report admits that the Germans were at first reluctant to permit supervision by the Red Cross of people detained on grounds relating to security, but by the latter part of 1942, the ICRC obtained important concessions from Germany. They were permitted to distribute food parcels to major concentration camps in Germany from August 1942, and "from February 1943 onwards this concession was extended to all other camps and prisons" (Vol. 111, p. 78). The ICRC soon established contact with camp commandants and launched a food relief programme which continued to function until the last months of 1945, letters of thanks for which came pouring in from Jewish internees. RED CROSS RECIPIENTS WERE JEWS The Report states that "As many as 9,000 parcels were packed daily. From the autumn of 1943 until May 1945, about 1,112,000 parcels with a total weight of 4,500 tons were sent off to the concentration camps" (Vol. III, p. 80). In addition to food, these contained clothing and pharmaceutical supplies. "Parcels were sent to Dachau, Buchenwald, Sangerhausen, Sachsenhausen, Oranienburg, Flossenburg, Landsberg-am-Lech, Fl�ha, Ravensbr�ck, Hamburg-Neuengamme, Mauthausen, Theresienstadt, Auschwitz, Bergen-Belsen, to camps near Vienna and in Central and Southern Germany. The principal recipients were Belgians, Dutch, French, Greeks, Italians, Norwegians, Poles and stateless Jews" (Vol. III, p. 83). In the course of the war, "The Committee was in a position to transfer and distribute in the form of relief supplies over twenty million Swiss francs collected by Jewish welfare organisations throughout the world, in particular by the American Joint Distribution Committee of New York" (Vol. I, p. 644). This latter organisation was permitted by the German Government to maintain offices in Berlin until the American entry into the war. The ICRC complained that obstruction of their vast relief operation for Jewish internees came not from the Germans but from the tight Allied blockade of Europe. Most of their purchases of relief food were made in Rumania, Hungary and Slovakia. The ICRC had special praise for the liberal conditions which prevailed at Theresienstadt up to the time of their last visits there in April 1945. This camp, "where there were about 40,000 Jews deported from various countries was a relatively privileged ghetto" (Vol. III, p. 75). According to the Report, "'The Committee's delegates were able to visit the camp at Theresienstadt (Terezin) which was used exclusively for Jews and was governed by special conditions. From information gathered by the Committee, this camp had been started as an experiment by certain leaders of the Reich . . . These men wished to give the Jews the means of setting up a communal life in a town under their own administration and possessing almost complete autonomy. . . two delegates were able to visit the camp on April 6th, 1945. They confirmed the favourable impression gained on the first visit" (Vol. I, p . 642). The ICRC also had praise for the regime of Ion Antonescu of Fascist Rumania where the Committee was able to extend special relief to 183,000 Rumanian Jews until the time of the Soviet occupation. The aid then ceased, and the ICRC complained bitterly that it never succeeded "in sending anything whatsoever to Russia" (Vol. II, p. 62). The same situation applied to many of the German camps after their "liberation" by the Russians. The ICRC received a voluminous flow of mail from Auschwitz until the period of the Soviet occupation, when many of the internees were evacuated westward. But the efforts of the Red Cross to send relief to internees remaining at Auschwitz under Soviet control were futile. However, food parcels continued to be sent to former Auschwitz inmates transferred west to such camps as Buchenwald and Oranienburg. NO EVIDENCE OF GENOCIDE One of the most important aspects of the Red Cross Report is that it clarifies the true cause of those deaths that undoubtedly occurred in the camps towards the end of the war. Says the Report: "In the chaotic condition of Germany after the invasion during the final months of the war, the camps received no food supplies at all and starvation claimed an increasing number of victims. Itself alarmed by this situation, the German Government at last informed the ICRC on February 1st, 1945 . . . In March 1945, discussions between the President of the ICRC and General of the S.S. Kaltenbrunner gave even more decisive results. Relief could henceforth be distributed by the ICRC, and one delegate was authorised to stay in each camp . . ." (Vol. III, p. 83). Clearly, the German authorities were at pains to relieve the dire situation as far as they were able. The Red Cross are quite explicit in stating that food supplies ceased at this time due to the Allied bombing of German transportation, and in the interests of interned Jews they had protested on March 15th, 1944 against "the barbarous aerial warfare of the Allies" (Inter Arma Caritas, p. 78). By October 2nd, 1944, the ICRC warned the German Foreign Office of the impending collapse of the German transportation system, declaring that starvation conditions for people throughout Germany were becoming inevitable. In dealing with this comprehensive, three-volume Report, it is important to stress that the delegates of the International Red Cross found no evidence whatever at the camps in Axis- occupied Europe of a deliberate policy to exterminate the Jews. In all its 1,600 pages the Report does not even mention such a thing as a gas chamber. It admits that Jews, like many other wartime nationalities, suffered rigours and privations, but its complete silence on the subject of planned extermination is ample refutation of the Six Million legend. Like the Vatican representatives with whom they worked, the Red Cross found itself unable to indulge in the irresponsible charges of genocide which had become the order of the day. So far as the genuine mortality rate is concerned, the Report points out that most of the Jewish doctors from the camps were being used to combat typhus on the eastern front, so that they were unavailable when the typhus epidemics of 1945 broke out in the camps (Vol. I, p. 204 ff)- Incidentally, it is frequently claimed that mass executions were carried out in gas chambers cunningly disguised as shower facilities. Again the Report makes nonsense of this allegation. "Not only the washing places, but installations for baths, showers and laundry were inspected by the delegates. They had often to take action to have fixtures made less primitive, and to get them repaired or enlarged" (Vol.III, p. 594). NOT ALL WERE INTERNED Volume III of the Red Cross Report, Chapter 3 (I. Jewish Civilian Population) deals with the "aid given to the Jewish section of the free population," and this chapter makes it quite plain that by no means all of the European Jews were placed in internment camps, but remained, subject to certain restrictions, as part of the free civilian population. This conflicts directly with the "thoroughness" of the supposed "extermination programme", and with the claim in the forged Hoess memoirs that Eichmann was obsessed with seizing "every single Jew he could lay his hands on." In Slovakia, for examle, where Eichmann's assistant Dieter Wisliceny was in charge, the Report states that "A large proportion of the Jewish minority had permission to stay in the country, and at certain periods Slovakia was looked upon as a comparative haven of refuge for Jews, especially for those coming from Poland. Those who remained in Slovakia seem to have been in comparative safety until the end of August 1944, when a rising against the German forces took place. While it is true that the law of May 15th, 1942 had brought about the internment of several thousand Jews, these people were held in camps where the conditions of food and lodging were tolerable, and where the internees were allowed to do paid work on terms almost equal to those of the free labour market" (Vol. I, p. 646). Not only did large numbers of the three million or so European Jews avoid internment altogether, but the emigration of Jews continued throughout the war, generally by way of Hungary, Rumania and Turkey. Ironically, post-war Jewish emigration from German-occupied territories was also facilitated by the Reich, as in the case of the Polish Jews who had escaped to France before its occupation. "The Jews from Poland who, whilst in France, had obtained entrance permits to the United States were held to be American citizens by the German occupying authorities, who further agreed to recognize the validity of about three thousand passports issued to Jews by the consulates of South American countries" (Vol.I, p. 645). As future U.S. citizens, these Jews were held at the Vittel camp in southern France for American aliens. The emigration of European Jews from Hungary in particular proceeded during the war unhindered by the German authorities. "Until March 1944," says the. Red Cross Report, "Jews who had the privilege of visas for Palestine were free to leave Hungary" (Vol. I, p. 648). Even after the replacement of the Horthy Government in 1944 (following its attempted armistice with the Soviet Union) with a govenment more dependent on German authority, the emigration of Jews continued. The Committee secured the pledges of both Britain and the United States "to give support by every means to the emigration of Jews from Hungary," and from the U.S. Govermnent the ICRC received a message stating that "The Government of the United States . . . now specifically repeats its assurance that arrangements will be made by it for the care of all Jews who in the present circumstances are allowed to leave" (Vol. I, p . 649). Introduction 1. German policy toward the Jews prior to the war 2. German policy toward the Jews after the outbreak of war 3. Population and Emigration 4. The Six Million: Documentary Evidence 5. The Nuremberg Trials 6. Auschwitz and Polish Jewry 7. Some Concentration Camps Memoires 8. The Nature & Condition of War Time Concentration Camps 9. The Jews and The Concentrations Camps: A Factual Appraisal by the Red Cross 10. The truth at last: The work of Paul Rassinier Comments about Did Six Million Really Die? Revisionism Swedish: revisionismen No hate. No violence. Races? Only one Human race. United We Stand, Divided We Fall. Know Your enemy You too are welcome as a freedom fighter. Act now! Tomorrow it will be too late! Compose your letter online. Write now to Rdio Islam Ahmed Rami, writer, journalist, is the founder of the radio station Radio Islam. Donations to help his work may be sent (in cheques or in notes) to his address: Ahmed Rami - Box 316 - 10126 Stockholm, SwedenPhone:+46708121240