������������������������������������ Colin Powell
������������� The New World Order Crew's Chosen Black
IT IS yet another paradox in a presidential campaign year that has abounded with them: Texas Governor George W. Bush won less than 20 per cent of the Jewish American vote, and far more Arab‑American votes than his opponent, Vice‑President Al Gore. Yet in the end, Bush may be surrounded by even more pro‑Israel advisers than Gore would have been.
His top two foreign‑policy officials are expected to be African‑Americans General Colin Powell, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as Secretary of State; and Condoleeza Rice, former head of the Soviet desk at the National Security Council, as National Security Adviser. Both have strong Jewish connections.
Powell, the son of Jamaican immigrants, speaks Yiddish, which he learned as a boy. He has won the hearts of American Jewish audiences, including those at the annual policy conferences of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, with a fluency few of them could have matched.
General Powell was an advocate of sending Patriot antiballistic missile batteries to defend Israel from Iraqi Scud attacks during the 1991 Gulf War. He has always shown strong sympathy with the Jewish state.
Ms Rice numbers among her own close advisers Richard Haas, director of foreign policy and security studies at Washington's prestigious Brookings Institution, and Dov Zakheim, former deputy undersecretary of defence under President Reagan. Both are Jewish. Zakheim, in fact, has semichah [rabbinic ordination].
He and another prominent Jewish Republican, Paul Wolfowitz, former deputy‑secretary of defence under President George Bush, have been in Governor Bush and Ms Rice's inner circle of advisers nicknamed "The Magnificent Seven."
If the younger Bush is confirmed as president by the Electoral College on December 18, Wolfowitz can look forward to cabinet rank, and Zakheim a high sub‑cabinet posting probably as a deputy to the Secretary of Defence. Bush is seeking to recruit a Democratic senator for that post.
Mr. Wolfowitz, who had his eyes set on becoming Secretary of Defence, looks like being moved sideways possibly as director of the CIA, still a powerful post.
Colin Powell has always been close to Governor Bush's vice‑presidential nominee, Dick Cheney. Cheney, as President Bush's Secretary of Defence, was broadly sympathetic to Israel if strongly opposed to releasing convicted Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard, who has served 15 years of a life sentence.
If Bush is confirmed, one familiar face from Middle East policy‑making will finally be missing after more than a decade in that role. Wolfowitz, Zakheim and other key Bush advisers are said to want to replace US peace negotiator Dennis Ross, who has already announced he did not wish to stay on in the post. Mr Ross, however, may be replaced by another Jewish policy expert, with Mr Haas seen as a front‑runner.
Former US Secretary of State James Baker bete noire to pro‑Israel activists during George Bush Sr's administration has been key in the younger Bush's transition team. But neither General Powell nor Ms Rice� is said to favour his having a major foreign policy role.
By the mid '60s the New World Order clan that works out of appointed positions in and around the US Government had already discovered Colin Powell, now both a Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) & a Trilateral Commission (TC) member. He was articulate. He loved the establishment. He followed orders well. He made no waves. He was not from any of the academies; he was Black. He had not done anything well before the Army, never having quite fit in anywhere else. His grades were merely average or below. Born in the South Bronx, Powell had no particular political views, something seen as a good quality in people by the Insiders. He was thus trainable �_� and usable.
And so, Colin Powell's swift rise to the head of the Joint Chiefs of US
Military Staff began, after never having been in combat, after never
having
been a field general, after not having the rigorous historical military
training received at West Point or any of the military academies. Other
much
more qualified Generals (White of course) were passed over like molded
nacks
on a party plate.
In many of these respects, Powell is indistinguishable from Generals
Brent
Scrowcroft (CFR & TC)and Alexander Haig (CFR), neither of whom ever
had any
combat experience, but were, alas, simply used to warm chairs and talk
(that
is, in Insider terms, advise) and in Scrowcroft's case, to drink a toast
with
Chinese Communists right after the Tianamin Square Massacre in the
summer of
1989.
In 1996 the clan drafted Powell for the Republican candidacy for
President,
and then after refusing to face the fire that comes with US presidential
politics, as all other former bureaucrats seem to do, he dropped out of
sight
and "wrote a book." Ghost written of course, since the man probably
can't
make two decent sentences run coherently. The book nevertheless was a
big
hit as silly Whites fawned around at Powell's feet, hoping for just a glance
from the media created hero.
As far as Powell's military career goes, let us talk about a person getting
all the gravy. After becoming one of the chosen, his jobs in the military
began getting softer and sweeter. His field assignments were always brief,
and he was always an advisor. Then he would fly back to Washington to
sit,
always on one staff or the other, and to attend one formal function after
the
other, where he really fit in well, mainly by agreeing with whomever he
was
speaking to �_� never making waves. This is the type of person (ala
former
President George Bush) whom the Insider New World Order crew loves.
They're
easy to control.
All the above glitches in Powell's soul don't bother me too much. I, like
the rest of you, am used to Black pets getting promoted simply because
they
are able to get in front of a crowd without vomiting on them. But what I
don't like about him is that he proudly displays a menorah behind his
desk,
because he says, "It's a constant reminder to me of the suffering and
persecution we've both been through." So yes Powell's brainwashed. Yes
he's
a yes man and lackey for the one‑worlders. Yes he's a poof of an empty
shirt
who'll follow along to get along. All those aspects of Powell are typical of
America's appointed class; but the menorah makes me want to vomit
every time
I see him.
After deciding not to run for the nomination and then promoting his
book all
over the country, he says he plans to continue to speak out on issues
which
interest him. What they might be no one knows since he's never stood
for
anything in his life. But now that he has made plenty of money selling
his
book, it is doubtful that Colin Powell will decide to risk having the view
of
the popular mind changed: that he is a hero, a soldier of high character,
a
man dedicated to serving his country in the highest fashion. Typically, he
should be content not to run for office or to speak out on issues he
supposedly feels strong about but to fade away into the speaking circuit
of
American folly, where he can grow rich and fat and die unheard. That is,
unless he can get appointed to another position sometime in the future
by
another New World Order lackey seeking to impress the electorate by
appointing a chosen "hero," a Black one of course.
Against the NWO and its clan and for our people: Phineas
Powell when he
showed up
as
a potential political candidate back in the 1990s. He had all but faded
from
the light until Bush resurrected him last summer for the Republican
convention. He probably won't be the last one‑worlder to show up in
the Bush
administration, although friends in Texas who know Bush say that he's
opposed
to any world union of nations and doesn't even like the UN. We'll see. A
person is no better than the people he surrounds himself with, and so far
he
has Cheney (CFR & TC) and Powell leading the gate. They're going to
advise
him to run to the left and always it seems such people's answer to any
problem is the New World Order.
������������������������� Colin Powell�s Background
[Ed: MANY thanks to the supporters who were so quick off the mark in sending this info in]:
Powell, Colin (Luther)
���������������������������������������� 1937 ‑‑
U.S. army general (highest‑ranking African‑American officer in U.S.
history), Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (1989‑93). Born in New
York,
New York, on April 5, 1937. Powell�s father, Luther, came to the United
States on a banana boat from Jamaica, becoming a shipping foreman in a
women�s clothing company. His mother Arie, also an immigrant from Jamaica,
worked
as a seamstress. Powell was raised in the South Bronx and attended New
York
City public schools. He earned a bachelor�s degree in geology from the
City
College of New York (CCNY), where he joined ROTC and received a
commission
as a second lieutenant upon graduation in 1958. Powell served as an
infantry platoon leader at the Fulda Gap in West Germany before
meeting his
future wife, Alma Vivian Johnson. Shortly after the couple married in
����������������������������������������� 1962
Powell went to South Vietnam as a military adviser, returning again in
����������������������������������������� 1968
for a second tour of duty as a battalion executive officer in the Americal
Division. He was awarded two Purple Hearts, a Bronze Star, a Soldier�s
Medal, and the Legion of Merit for his exemplary service in Vietnam.
Powell later attended George Washington University, obtaining a Master
of
Business Administration degree in 1971. Upon graduation, he was
awarded a
White House fellowship, where he began his involvement in politics.
From his
position as an executive assistant to the Secretary of Energy under the
Carter administration to his role as military assistant to the Defense
Secretary during the Reagan administration, Powell worked his way up
through
a series of high‑level positions, simultaneously advancing his military
career.
From 1987 to 1989 Powell served as President Ronald Reagan�s national
security adviser. In 1989, under the Bush administration, he was made a
four‑star general and was appointed Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff,
becoming the youngest person and first African American to hold the
post,
achieving international prominence for his role in the U.S. military effort
against Iraq (operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm) in 1990 and
1991.
On September 30, 1993, General Powell retired from the U.S. Army.
Publishing his autobiography, My American Journey, in 1995, Powell
embarked
on a national tour whereby rumors of his campaign for presidency ran
rampant. Despite widespread encouragement to do so, Powell ultimately
declined to run. Turning instead to a more civilian role, Powell chaired
the Presidents� Summit for America�s Future in Philadelphia in April
1997.
HE HAS BEEN REFUSING TO RUN FOR OFFICE BECAUSE HE IS THE CARROT AND THE STICK OFFERING OF THE JEWS AND THEIR BOOT-LICKS AND LAP-DOGS. HE IS PRESENTED TO THE PEOPLE AND THEN HE REFUSES TO RUN FOR OFFICE AND THE MEDIA BLOWS HIM UP TO THE POINT THAT THE BRAIN DEAD AMERICAN PUBLIC THINKS, THAT HE IS THE GREATEST THING SINCE SLICED BREAD. THEN WHEN THE JEWS THINK THE TIME IS RIGHT HE WILL BE OFFERED FOR PRESIDENT AND THE BRAINWASHED PUBLIC WILL THINK THEY ARE VOTING FOR A MAN OF THEIR CHOICE.
It is sickening that our people can be so fooled by the antichrist elements in the media, television, movies, radio talk show hosts like Rush Limbough, Oliver North, G. Gordon Liddy, Mike Reagan, and others of their elk. Shessh.
������������������������������������� *************
spiker wrote:
Source:
US Veteran Dispatch
http://www.usvetdsp.com/main.shtml
October/November1995 Issue
Colin Powell: Not the Man You Think
http://www.usvetdsp.com/story13.htm
By Tom Ashworth and Ted Sampley
U.S.� Veteran Dispatch
Wherever he goes, people hail Colin Powell as the four‑star general who masterminded the lopsided U.S. victory over Saddam Hussein.� SOME SAY POWELL IS AN ICON and compare him to Gen.� Dwight D.Eisenhower. Many view him as a serious contender for the Presidency of� the United States.� POWELL IS NO ICON and he is certainly not an Eisenhower.� HIS �MONUMENTAL VICTORY� IN THE PERSIAN GULF IS A MYTH.
Yes, on the surface, Powell's Gulf War strategy appears to have been brilliant.� With the support of a 30 country coalition and untold billions of dollars, Powell organized half a million U.S.� personnel and with almost no causalities gunned down tens of thousands of� Saddam's Iraqi invaders.� His armies then easily drove what was� left of Saddam's army out of Kuwait.
So, if Powell's strategy was so brilliant, why has Saddam Hussein outlasted Bush and why is Saddam the head of a formidable army that is still threatening Kuwait?� The reality of Powell's hollow victory rushes straight to the surface with the simple fact that the Gulf� War ended inconclusively.� Why didn't Powell, as chairman� of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, insist that President Bush demand the unconditional surrender and total destruction of Saddam's military capability? Just imagine what the state of the world would be today if Eisenhower
had agreed to stop the war against Hitler after the Nazis were forced out of Western Europe during WWII.
WHERE WAS THE GREAT �ICON� WHEN SECRETARY OF DEFENSE LES ASPEN WAS REFUSING TO SEND A HANDFUL OF TANKS TO PROTECT AMERICAN FORCES IN SOMALIA FOR FEAR OF NEGATIVE POLITICAL SPIN IN CONGRESS?� WHY DID POWELL AND HIS DEPUTIES REFRAIN FROM PUBLICLY EXPRESSING ANY CONCERN OR OUTRAGE ABOUT ASPEN�S DEADLY POLITICAL DECISION THAT RESUTED IN THE DECIMATION OF A U.S. RANGER COMPANY AND ELITE DELTA FORCE OPERATIVES?� The� answer is in a Senate Armed Services Committee report into the incident.� THE REPORT CRITICIZED POWELL AND HIS STAFF FOR BENDING TO POLITICAL PRESSURE BY MAKING A DECISION AGAINST SENDING AC‑130 GUNSHIPS TO SUPPORT THE AMERICAN TROOPS.
An October 30, 1995 political poll revealed that� Powell would vault ahead of Republican presidential front runner Senator� Robert Dole should the retired general decide to run for president.�� Behind the scenes, former President George Bush is privately cheerleading� for the man he appointed chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.� Political� power brokers and mentors of Powell, such as Frank Carlucci, Casper� Weinberger and Richard Armitage, are also lending their influential support.
THE ALL-POWERFUL ESTABLISHMENT MEDIA HAS EFFECTIVELY BLOWN A BLIZZARD OF FREE PUBLICITY TO THE MAN MANY IN WASHINGTON CONSIDER �THE INSIDER�S INSIDER.� Couple that with Powell's uncanny� ability to attract supporters largely unaware of his fundamental viewpoints� and his true history as a military officer and it becomes apparent just how� formidable a Powell presidential candidacy could be.
Consequently, all voters should take a closer look� at the man who could be chosen to lead our country into the 21st century� ‑ a man one Washington observer likened to a thoroughbred horse about� to be entered into a race for which he has been skillfully groomed.� As an� Army officer, Powell's superiors considered him a consummate "team� player." They could count on Powell to haul their water despite any� contradictory feelings he may have had.� Powell's blind loyalty was demonstrated� during a second tour in Vietnam (1968‑1969), where as deputy assistant� chief of staff for operations G‑3 at Americal Division headquarters� in Chu Lai, he was asked to handle a potentially embarrassing letter a� young soldier had written to Gen.� Creighton Abrams, commander of all U.S.� forces in Vietnam.
The soldier had written about rumors of a� massacre that Americal Division soldiers had committed in the hamlet of My Lai 4� in South Vietnam.� Although he did not mention My Lai in� the letter, the soldier complained that American soldiers were� indiscriminately killing Vietnamese civilians.� Such acts, the young soldier warned,� "are carried on at entire unit levels and thereby acquire the aspect of� sanctioned policy."
Several days after he received a copy of the letter,� Powell sent a memo to his superior, the adjutant general, making the� outrageous claim that the young soldier had not given enough specifics� upon which to base an inquiry.� The purposely blind Powell said the� soldier's charges were false except for "isolated instances." He wrote that� "relations between American soldiers and the Vietnamese are excellent."
Powell's damage control efforts soon proved� fruitless and the My Lai massacre burst onto the world stage like an� atomic explosion, severely damaging the U.S.� war effort in Vietnam.� On the� orders of Lt. William Calley, soldiers from the U.S.� Army Americal� Division had indeed indiscriminantly gunned down an entire village� of men, women and children.
Although Powell's attempt to cover up the massacre was unsuccessful, he had at least proven his willingness to do what was� necessary to please his bosses.� For his two tours of duty in Vietnam,� POWELL, WHO WAS NEVER EXPOSED TO SERIOUS COMBAT, WAS AWARDED THE PURPLE HEART FOR A MINOR FOOT WOUND HE RECEIVED AFTER STEPPING ON A �PUNJI STICK.� He was later awarded a Bronze Star for heroism and the Soldiers Medal� for pulling two men free from a non‑combat related helicopter crash. After returning from Vietnam, the ambitious� young officer attended George Washington University, courtesy of the Army,� and received an MBA degree.� A year later, in 1972, Powell was one of 17 persons� hand picked by Washington insiders from more than 1,500 military and� civilian applicants for White House fellowships.� He was assigned to work for� Frank Carlucci, who was at that time deputy director of the Office of� Management and Budget, and Casper Weinberger, budget director.� The two� became Powell's champions in Washington's power circles.
Powell was just beginning to earn his degree in political treachery studying under Carlucci and Weinberger when� President Richard Nixon made a politically convenient decision to ignore high� level intelligence which told of large numbers of American prisoners of� war being held back as hostages by the communist Vietnamese and their� Laotian puppets after the war ended.� Nixon's decision to declare all� "missing" Americans dead caused a controversy which has plagued Washington� decision makers to this day.
From his first days in Washington, Powell spent� the majority of his military service working as an aide to his� mentors.� He rose rapidly through the military ranks, carefully getting his� "ticket punched" with the right assignments and making the right contacts.� He became a thoroughbred Washington insider in a military uniform.
In 1977, during the Carter administration, Powell, now on the fast track, was made full colonel and senior military aide to� Defense Secretary Harold Brown's special assistant, attorney John Kester.
Powell was transferred, in 1979, to the� Department of Energy, where he served as the assistant to the secretary.� Later� that year, he was transferred back to the Pentagon to serve as the� senior military assistant to the secretary of defense until 1981.
Soon after, Powell's handlers moved him again,� assigning him for another brief tour in a real military unit as the assistant� division commander of the 4th Infantry Division.
Early in the Reagan administration, Powell was� recalled to the Pentagon as top military aide to his mentors, the new deputy� defense secretary, Carlucci, and later to the secretary, Weinberger.
Carlucci, Weinberger and Richard Armitage (then assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs), are� said to have given Powell his advanced degree in political manipulation,� deceit and treachery.
ARMITAGE, WHO POWELL NOW CLAIMS IS HIS BEST FRIEND, HAS BEEN LINKED BY VARIOUS NEWS REPORTS TO CIA SANCTIONED ARMS AND DRUG TRAFFICKING DURING THE MID-'70s WHILE WORKING FOR A U.S. GOVERNMENT AGENCY BASED IN BANGKOK, THAILAND.� And, that's not all.� Syndicated� columnist, Jack Anderson, reported in the Mar.� 13, 1986 issue of the� Washington Post that the President's Commission on Organized Crime had� questioned Armitage about his relationship with a Vietnamese refugee who was convicted in 1985 of running a major gambling operation in Arlington, Va.� Armitage had written a letter on official Defense Department stationary urging the Arlington County Court to "show mercy" on the refugee whom he acknowledged was a friend.� Powell, the team player, sided with Armitage when these issues blew up in the press and today continues to stick by his best friend.� But, POWELL�S DAMAGE CONTROL ACTIVITIES HAVE NOT BEEN LIMITED TO ARMITAGE.� HE PLAYED AN ACTIVE ROLE IN WHITE HOUSE DAMAGE CONTROL FOLLOWING THE TRAGIC LOSS OF HUNDREDS OF MARINES WHEN THE U.S.� MARINE BARRACKS IN BEIRUT WERE BLOWN UP.� (MARINE GUARDS HAD BEEN FORCED TO STAND GUARD DUTY WITH EMPTY RIFLES).
Powell also helped with damage control after the U.S.� government's failed attempt to kill Libya's Moammar Khadafy ‑ a� bombing raid which instead killed one of the Libyan leader's children.� In� January 1986, the political general again blindly obeyed his superiors and� secretly transferred U.S. TOW missiles to Iran without the approval or� knowledge of Congress.
Fortunately for Powell, his powerful mentors� successfully camouflaged and explained away his not so insignificant role in� what later became known as the Iran‑Contra affair.� Powell had his "ticket� punched" again in June 1986 when he was temporarily given a much coveted� military assignment as the commanding general of the 75,000‑member 5th� Corps in Frankfurt, West Germany.
After only six months of service as a real� commanding general, Powell's handlers recalled him to the White House when� the Iran Contra affair exploded.� Reagan administration damage control� experts scurried to replace the disgraced Bud McFarlane giving the job to� the trusted Carlucci.� As he had done in the past, Carlucci summoned Powell� to his side, naming him deputy national security advisor.� During this� assignment, the political general was involved in a secret telephone� conversation with a senior aide to Vice President George Bush that reeked of� treason.� The call, concerning an effort Ross Perot was making to attain the� release of live American prisoners of war believed to be held by the� communists in Indochina, was documented and will darken the name of Colin� Powell throughout the ages.
According to a declassified memorandum� detailing the call, at 3:40 pm on March 21, 1987, Powell became engaged in the conversation during which the Bush aide asked Powell to check out certain details pertaining to the Perot effort.� Powell said he would call back. The memorandum, which was written by the Bush aide, shows that Powell called back at 3:55 pm and reported that the� Vietnamese communists had not been cooperating with the U.S.� government on the POW/MIA issue for "the last few months."
According to Powell, the Vietnamese apparently� believed that there was "a bigger deal' coming soon who will be bearing gifts and so our people [the U.S.� Government] have been stiffed."� Undoubtedly, that statement refers to Perot and the positive reaction of the Vietnamese� to his attempt to secure the release of live American prisoners of war.
The memorandum continued to quote Powell� saying, "We still believe it is not wise for Ross to go.� after� 14 years they [the Vietnamese] have denied live Americans .� .� if they were to� produce live people, can you imagine what will be asked for?"
Apparently the potential political and economic� cost of recovering living American prisoners was considered too high.�� The abandoned Americans were to be allowed to quietly die in the communist� prisons of Southeast Asia.
Who was the "we" Powell was referring to when� he said "we do not believe it is wise for Ross to go?" Was it the Carlucci, Weinberger and Armitage� insider political clique? Near the end of the memo, Powell is quoted as� saying, "our policy interests are not served by Mr.� Perot's interests at the� moment."
What policy interest was "not" being served by� Perot's effort to bring live POWs home and whose policy was it?� It certainly was not that of President Ronald Reagan, Powell's commander‑in‑chief. Throughout his administration, Reagan had stated emphatically that the POW/MIA issue was the nation's "highest national� priority."
In late 1987, Colin Powell, still the consummate� team player, was appointed the National Security Advisor to President Reagan and served in that prestigious post until 1989.� Then, as had� happened before, Powell was sent off for a four month tour in a military command. This time, for a brief period in 1989, he became Commander in Chief at Forces Command, Ft. McPherson, Ga.
Shortly after Powell assumed that command,� President Bush over the objections of the military's top brass reached well� beyond their ranks and pulled his thoroughbred political general to the top, appointing Powell as the U.S.� military's top officer ‑ chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff.� "I believe the entire professional military establishment was disturbed by his appointment," said Admiral Eugene Carroll.� "Looking at General Powell's career record, it is clear that he� was picked out early for a more important role in life than getting his� boots dirty."
During 1992, Powell's Pentagon had the singular� honor of proving that it was a team player for the Bush administration. According to a September 18, 1995 U.S.� News� and World Report article: President Bush had been presented with a� "dilemma" in 1992 ‑ how to help keep Vietnam's communist leaders from losing� face because of an unexpected and embarrassing appearance of detailed� POW/MIA records and photos, whose very existence the communists had long denied.�� What could Bush do to help the Vietnamese communists out of their� embarrassing predicament?� Bush's answer ‑ U.S.� government officials would� secretly create "a public relations script" for the communists.� The action� agent would be Colin Powell's Pentagon.� U.S.� News and World Report� detailed the Bush administration's solution: "According to a secret� Pentagon memo dated Oct.� 7, 1992, Hanoi was advised to 'begin with a� public announcement by your government, noting that for the last several� months, Vietnamese officials had embarked on countrywide unilateral efforts to recover archives, records, photographs and remains of unaccounted for Americans.'"
Can it be believed?� Gen.� Colin Powell, the� United States' highest ranking military officer, who described himself in 1993� during Memorial Day ceremonies at the Vietnam Veterans memorial as� "the senior Vietnam veteran on active duty," helped create a lie that protected� the communist Vietnamese from having to explain why they had� blatantly lied about their knowledge of America's Vietnam veterans still� missing in action.
Less than two weeks after Bush and Powell created the lie, the Vietnamese communists parroted it back in a news release. Bush then quickly announced "a significant, real breakthrough" and bragged� about Vietnam's "unprecedented cooperation."
Powell's loyalty to his mentors and fellow� insiders is now paying off.� He talks daily about his upcoming presidential race� with best friend Richard Armitage ‑ a man many believe to be most� responsible for the failed attempts to recover living American prisoners� from Indochina.� Powell says that he would trust Richard Armitage with the� lives of his children.� Other Americans did and they lost.� Meanwhile,� Powell's handlers appear to be ready to race their thoroughbred.� Newsweek� reports that George Bush "is privately talking up his old general,"� Casper� Weinberger is "making behind‑the‑scenes calls" and Frank Carlucci is� "rounding up"� uncommitted Republicans.
Editors note: Tom Ashworth is a former marine� captain helicopter pilot with combat service in Vietnam.� He has a MA in� political science from the University of Arkansas and has done extensive� research on the POW/MIA issue.� He was a witness at the 1986 Senate� hearings on the POW/MIA issue.
Ted Sampley is a ten‑year veteran of the U.S.� Army who served seven years as a Green Beret.� He served two combat tours in� Vietnam and is publisher of the U.S. Veteran Dispatch.� Sampley is a� long‑time veterans activists who testified before the 1990 Senate Select� Committee on POW/MIA Affairs.
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